You are not a slave!
Closed educational course for children of the elite: "The true arrangement of the world."
http://noslave.org
Material from Wikipedia - the free encyclopedia
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Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko(b. May 27, 1980, Staraya Kupavna) - Deputy Head of the Department for Internal Policy of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation.
Biography
Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko was born on May 27, 1980 in the urban village of Staraya Kupavna in the Noginsk municipal district of the Moscow region.
In 2002 he graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of the Military University.
Since 2007, he worked in the office of the Presidential Plenipotentiary Representative in the Far Eastern Federal District.
From 2009 to 2011 - again in the Duma apparatus, as press secretary of the Speaker of Parliament Boris Gryzlov.
On December 4, 2011, he was elected to the State Duma of the VI convocation from the United Russia party as a representative of the Saratov region, and became deputy chairman of the committee on physical education, sports and youth affairs.
In February 2012, he resigned his parliamentary powers ahead of schedule, going to work in the Internal Policy Department (IDP) of the Russian Presidential Administration, his mandate was transferred to Vasily Maksimov. As deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs until December 2014, he was involved in youth and information policy, then began to supervise federal parties and elections.
At the end of 2014 - beginning of 2015, he became involved in a number of scandalous publications carried out by the group “Anonymous International”, which posted on the Internet “materials allegedly obtained as a result of hacking Prokopenko’s mail and phone.” According to RBC, this information attack prevented Prokopenko from heading the UVP instead of Oleg Morozov, who resigned in March 2015.
Personal life
Married, has a daughter and son.
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An excerpt characterizing Prokopenko, Timur Valentinovich
So everything seemed to be getting better little by little and only occasional conversations about distant France became less and less frequent, until one fine day they stopped completely. There was no hope of getting there, and the Seryogins apparently decided that it would be better if no one reopened this wound...My dad had already graduated from school at that time, as predicted for him - with a gold medal and entered the literary institute in absentia. To help his family, he worked as a journalist for the Izvestia newspaper, and in his spare time he began writing plays for the Russian Drama Theater in Lithuania.
Everything seemed to be fine, except for one very painful problem - since dad was an excellent speaker (for which, from my memory, he really had a very great talent!), the Komsomol committee of our town did not leave him alone, wanting to get him as their secretary. Dad resisted with all his might, because (even without knowing about his past, which the Seryogins decided not to tell him about for now) he hated revolution and communism with all his soul, with all the consequences arising from these “teachings,” and no “sympathies” for them did not feed... At school, he, naturally, was a pioneer and a Komsomol member, since without this it was impossible in those days to dream of entering any institute, but he categorically did not want to go beyond that. And also, there was one more fact that brought dad into real horror - this was participation in punitive expeditions against the so-called “forest brothers”, who were nothing more than just guys as young as dad, “dispossessed” guys » parents who hid in the forests so as not to be taken to the distant and very frightening Siberia.
For several years after the advent of Soviet power, there was not a family left in Lithuania from which at least one person was not taken to Siberia, and very often the whole family was taken away.
Lithuania was a small but very rich country, with an excellent economy and huge farms, the owners of which in Soviet times began to be called “kulaks”, and the same Soviet government began to very actively “dekulakize” them... And it was precisely for these “punitive expeditions” “The best Komsomol members were selected to show others an “infectious example”... These were friends and acquaintances of the same “forest brothers” who went to the same schools together, played together, went to dances with the girls... And now, on someone’s crazy order, suddenly for some reason they became enemies and had to exterminate each other...
After two such trips, in one of which two of the twenty guys who left returned (and dad turned out to be one of these two), he got half drunk and the next day wrote a statement in which he categorically refused further participation in any such “events” . The first “pleasure” that followed after such a statement was the loss of his job, which at that time he “desperately” needed. But since dad was a truly talented journalist, he was immediately offered a job by another newspaper, Kaunasskaya Pravda, from a neighboring town. But, unfortunately, he didn’t have to stay there for long either, for such a simple reason as a short call “from above”... which instantly deprived dad of the new job he had just received. And dad was once again politely escorted out the door. Thus began his long-term war for the freedom of his personality, which even I remembered very well.
At first he was the secretary of the Komsomol, from which he left several times “of his own free will” and returned at the request of someone else. Later, he was a member of the Communist Party, from which he was also thrown out with a “big bang” and immediately climbed back in, since, again, there were few Russian-speaking, superbly educated people of this level in Lithuania at that time. And dad, as I mentioned earlier, was an excellent lecturer and was gladly invited to different cities. Only there, far from his “employers,” he again gave lectures not quite about what they wanted, and for this he received all the same problems that started this whole “gimmick”...
Today The Insider completes a series of publications dedicated to the correspondence of the deputy head of the Department of Internal Policy Timur Prokopenko, posted by Anonymous International. The last of the arrays is not so sensational, but it adds some interesting fragments to the overall mosaic.
Fury to order. How they poisoned "Rain"
The Insider has already written about the unhealthy attention of Administration officials to the Dozhd TV channel. In this array you can find letters dedicated specifically to provocations surrounding the “survey about the blockade.” It seems that the AP “led” this topic from beginning to end. After a long monitoring carried out by Kristina Potupchik, noting all the sedition on the air of Dozhd and reporting it to Prokopenko, the AP begins to act with lightning speed. Let's look at the chronology.
Tweet "Rain"
The notorious survey about this appeared on the Dozhd website on January 26 at 20:26, at a time when it was discussed on air in the Dilettantes program and did not cause outrage among anyone in the Dozhd audience. But suddenly, in the first minutes, propagandists of various sizes reacted to him - from Kremlin bots, to Minister Medinsky, singer Gazmanov, father and son Gabrelyanov, Sergei Minaev. It is difficult to suspect all these people of watching the Dozhd TV channel at the same time on Sunday evening. But one way or another, already at 20:49 the site editor Ilya Klishin took down this survey (the screenshot shows the wrong time, obviously it was taken from a different time zone). In total, the survey was online for 23 minutes.
Klishin's message about the cancellation of the survey
“On Sunday evening there was a program “Dilettantes” on the air of Dozhd,” Ilya Klishin, editor of the Dozhd website, tells The Insider. “It was “inserted” content on air, which was made with colleagues from Ekho Moskvy, who were simultaneously making "Diletant" magazine. In each program, they asked one historical question, which they usually chose themselves and usually did not further coordinate with the editorial staff of Dozhd. As far as I understand, the question was chosen from the topic of the issue. It was like that that time too. The producer of the program forwarded the question to the editor of social networks: he, as usual, posted it on the website and on Twitter. There was a live broadcast, I left the gym at that time and saw many messages from friends with content like “the Kremlin people are attacking you on Twitter.” I opened Twitter, assessed the situation, the wording of the question seemed clumsy to me, I called the editor-in-chief of the TV channel, Mikhail Zygar, deleted the tweet and asked to remotely remove the survey from the site. At this point, 15-20 minutes have passed since the publication. In addition, as the editor-in-chief of the site, I apologized on Twitter to those who were somehow offended by the tweet during this short time. Let me remind you that it was an unpopular time - Sunday evening, but on my phone (and I receive notifications when someone writes about “Rain”), I saw that literally within an hour messages began pouring in - from deputies, governors, ministers, artists and journalists from federal media. Often similar messages, as if they slightly rewrote the sample given in advance. Well, the rest is known.”
What happened next is now known to us even better, because we know this, among other things, from Prokopenko’s correspondence.
On the night of the 27th, Potupchik sends Prokopenko a report entitled “Rain - working out”, which contains five posts and many tweets that were bungled in one day. Moreover, the order was not given by Prokopenko, but by his boss, Volodin.
That same night, Prokopenko’s assistant Pavel Zenkovich clarifies:
"Jan 27, 2014, at 2:07 am, Pavel Zenkovich wrote:
Timur, if it’s not too much trouble, please share the points that you heard from your boss regarding the discussion about the blockade.
I’ll just give our newsmakers some guidance."
Prokopenko answers:
"Jan 27, 2014 at 9:20 am, T.P<
Этот адрес электронной почты защищен от спам-ботов. У вас должен быть включен JavaScript для просмотра.
>wrote:
Today is the 70th anniversary of the siege of Leningrad, the city that our fathers and grandfathers defended. He was not surrendered to the Nazis, which means he was not surrendered to the country. The very posing of the question on the Dozhd TV channel is, at a minimum, lack of knowledge of history, disrespect for our veterans, and dementia. Demand an apology to veterans.
The most important message from the boss is not to go into the topic of closing the channel, depriving of a license, or dismissal."
At 10 am the next day, Prokopenko coordinates and edits the commentary of Leonid Levin, first deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee on Information Policy:
Reconciliation of Levin's comment
Within an hour, Levin’s comment appears in Itar-Tass. At 14:28 Prokopenko also forwards a text with an angry denunciation of Dozhd Anastasia Kashevarova, an employee of LifeNews and Izvestia, responsible for posting texts from the administration.
Message for Kashevarova
The next day, the same text is read word for word in parliament by LDPR deputy Vadim Dengin and initiates a protocol order to check the TV channel. Vadim Dengin himself explained to The Insider that he wrote the speech himself, did not coordinate it with anyone, and the fact that it ended up in someone’s correspondence is because someone could have stolen it, because he sent it from regular mail to his assistant for printing. He did not explain why the Presidential Administration needed to hack the deputy’s email and then forward the text of his speech to each other.
Jeans in independent media?
There is a lot of new evidence about custom-made materials in blogs and media, including MK, Izvestia and LifeNews, but The Insider has already written about this more than once. However, this time the correspondence also includes publications known as independent ones.
For example, in correspondence there is an article about Belokoneve(long ago Prokopenko's enemy, and also about it, see section 3 of this article), intended for Novaya Gazeta:
Coordination of the article about "Beria" Belokonev
The text appeared in Novaya Gazeta a week later:
Article in Novaya
Novaya Gazeta editor-in-chief Dmitry Muratov explained to The Insider that he remembers this material, knows its author and trusts him. He added that often in their investigations, authors send their sources materials that are being prepared for publication in order to clarify some details. He also categorically ruled out the possibility that anyone from the editorial office ever received money for posting the material.
It is impossible to verify to what extent this material was actually written by the author of Novaya, and to what extent it was the work of AP. But there is another interesting point - the AP also wanted to publish in Novaya Gazeta another text about Belokonev and how, with his help, Lavrentiy Beria became an idol of youth. But for some reason this text was not published in Novaya, but was published (word for word) in the MK, which regularly cooperates with the administration.
A similar story happened with Vedomosti. On January 27, 2014, Vedomosti journalist Liliya Biryukova sends Timur Prokopenko the text of an article criticizing Seliger (the attack on Seliger is one of the components of Prokopenko’s fight against Belokonev):
Vedomosti journalist sends her article to Timur Prokopenko for approval
This text appeared in Vedomosti the next day:
The article appears in Vedomosti within 24 hours
In this case, it is also impossible to say unequivocally that the text was custom-made: there could have been a coordination of quotes with the source (but why then send the entire text, and not just quotes?), or maybe Prokopenko was simply curious to read the text about his opponent and he asked a journalist friend did this without waiting for the article to be published. Unfortunately, it was not possible to get a comment from Liliya Biryukova - she now works as a press secretary for a prominent United Russia member Neverova and told The Insider that, due to this status, she could not give any comments, and could only report that at 21:10 the material had already been typed up and therefore it would simply be impossible to influence its content in any way.
“I really regret this, she disgraced us all. We will draw conclusions from this.”
However, judging by the commentary of editor-in-chief Tatyana Lysova, Vedomosti still adopts slightly different standards: “Firstly, Liliya Biryukova is not telling the truth, claiming that after 21:00 it is no longer possible to make changes to the text,” she explained to The Insider, “Secondly, she knew very well that sending unpublished texts to anyone is strictly prohibited. She knew she was breaking internal rules and did it anyway, using her personal email. I trust the people who work in our editorial office, but in the case of Biryukova this turned out to be a mistake. I really regret this, she disgraced us all. We will draw conclusions from this."
Another ambiguous situation arose with the publication znak.com - in her report, Kristina Potupchik writes: “The website znak.com published an article by Anna Fedorova about the superiority of United Russia”:
Potupchik’s report includes text about the “irreplaceable” EdRe. full size image
And indeed, there is such a note on the website - no one can compete with the party of Putin and Medvedev, it convinces
Article on znak.com
The Insider was unable to get a comment from Znak.com editor-in-chief Aksana Panova.
Some infographics
Infographics on Belokonev’s connections
The Insider has already cited some facts from the life of the ex-leader of Nashi and the ex-head of Rosmolodezh Sergei Belokonev, revealed with the help of Prokopenko, who is at war with him. This array reveals some more details of this war. Here, for example, is an interesting scheme of Belokonev’s corruption connections.
Particularly noteworthy here is the mention Evgenia Prigozhina, “Putin’s chef” and part-time owner of the “Kremlin troll factory.” The close connection with Rosmolodezh makes the reason for Concorde’s participation in organizing the work of pro-government Internet trolls, we are talking only about a beneficial symbiosis. It’s funny that two versions of the picture were made for Prokopenko at once - with the Concorde and without it. It seems that Prokopenko was not sure that he could involve such an important figure.
Prokopenko took the issue with Belokonev seriously - among other things, he, for example, sent requests to the security forces about the activities of Rosmolodezh, with a request to pay attention to the revealing article on the website zahkvar.ru, which he himself created:
Prokopenko takes revenge on Belokonev by sending incriminating evidence
And finally, some fun infographics from Prokopenko, depicting Alexei Navalny as a real octopus:
Powerful Navalny in the infographics of Timur Prokopenko
This infographic was created in December 2013. Since then, the Kremlin has changed the owner and editorial policy of Lenta.ru and Gazeta.ru, attacked Ekho Moskvy, seized the office from the holding company that unites Dozhd, Elephant and Bolshoi Gorod, adopted a law on foreign shareholders of media outlets, due to which Vedomosti may change its owner (and editorial policy), and opened a criminal case against Vladimir Ashurkov, forcing him to leave the country. And Navalny himself rarely appears in freedom. The Presidential Administration as a whole can so far consider its mission successful.
True biography of Timur Prokopenko
Sender: Mikhail Kitaytsev 13:08:56 10/03/2011 :The appointment of Timur Prokopenko, the press secretary of the State Duma speaker, as the new leader of the pro-Kremlin youth organization “Young Guard” was completely unexpected even for the most sophisticated experts in the youth political backstage.
Dozens of MGER activists, who have proven themselves dedicated to the party’s cause as builders of the future Russia, applied for this post, abandoned by the Federation Council senator from the Chelyabinsk region Ruslan Gattarov. Numerous youth leaders, including parliamentarians of the Federal Assembly, were considered as potential leaders of the United Russia youth wing.” However, it turned out that the all-seeing eye of Kremlin ideology made its choice in favor of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko, a young man who was extremely far from youth politics.
What did Timur Prokopenko do before his historic appointment? The official media provide very little information on this matter.
It is known that Prokopenko studied at the Military University, that he worked as a special correspondent for ITAR-TASS, and then headed a structural unit of the apparatus of the Presidential Plenipotentiary Representative in the Far Eastern Federal District. The last position of Timur Prokopenko, announced by the official media, is press secretary of State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov.For a 30-year-old graduate of a military university, his biography is, of course, eventful. At the same time, Prokopenko himself, before his appointment to the leadership of MGER, had never appeared in news stories, and there is surprisingly little information about his person on the Internet. What allowed this young man to “come out of the darkness” and immediately enter the political “queens”?
Let's try to figure it out...To unearth the past of Timur Prokopenko, our correspondent had to spend quite a lot of time. Nevertheless, there were many people who knew Prokopenko at different times and in different places. Journalists accredited in the State Duma, where Timur Prokopenko worked for several years, also contributed behind-the-scenes information. Little by little the picture began to emerge. Anyway, let's start...
First of all, we note that Prokopenko’s entry into the security forces was not accidental. Timur is the son of a high-ranking officer of the State Bureau of the USSR, then the FSB of Russia. Little is known about Timur Prokopenko’s school years - he lived with his family abroad, then studied at a Moscow school in the Polezhaevskaya area.
From the few interviews with Prokopenko, it is known that he was seriously involved in hockey and was even a member of the youth team of the capital's Dynamo. Then his friends with sticks and pucks made careers in the NHL and KHL, and Timur went to study at the Military University, which previously bore the name of the Military-Political Academy. Lenin.It is not known exactly what they do with the children of security officers at the Military University for five years. However, we can conclude that they are being prepared for precisely the goals that were outlined in the Soviet name of the famous university - for political work. Work within your country for the benefit of the current political system. Therefore, this university has always been among the most prestigious military educational institutions.
Children of high ranks of the army and other law enforcement agencies studied here. The professions of military lawyers, translators, journalists and psychologists were considered prestigious both in Soviet times and in the troubled 90s. Among the cadets of the Military University there were always many people from high-ranking families. It is known, for example, that the son of the then deputy director of the FSB German Ugryumov, the grandson of USSR Marshal Oleg Losik, and other general’s offspring studied in the same platoon with Timur Prokopenko.
It was not possible to find out where Timur Prokopenko served after graduating from the Military University. Perhaps he was trained in one of the secret educational institutions of the security forces, or took his first steps in the field of state security. The position of ITAR-TASS special correspondent was probably just a cover for other, more secretive activities. By the way, “arms baron” Viktor Bout studied at the same military university as Prokopenko, only ten years earlier, and was sent to Africa as a military translator.
Prokopenko himself said in one of his interviews that during his time at TASS he visited all the hot spots in the country and some abroad. Whether he has since removed his shoulder straps or is still an active officer is unknown.
In the middle of the fourth convocation of the State Duma, Timur Prokopenko “surfaced” in the lower house of parliament. Now - as press secretary of the then vice-speaker Vladimir Pekhtin, known for his direct participation in the internal politics of the Far Eastern regions of Russia. In this capacity, Timur Prokopenko is well remembered by experienced parliamentary journalists. However, the young man soon moved to the Presidential Administration, becoming the head of one of the departments in the office of the Presidential Plenipotentiary Representative for the Far Eastern Federal District Oleg Safonov.
Let us recall that Colonel General Oleg Safonov belongs to the “St. Petersburg” security forces, and in the 90s he worked together with Vladimir Putin in the Committee for External Relations of the St. Petersburg City Hall. From 2007 to 2009, he held the post of Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Far Eastern Federal District, and is currently Deputy Director of the Federal Service of the Russian Federation for Drug Control (FSKN).
Being a subordinate of Plenipotentiary Representative Safonov, Timur Prokopenko gained fame in the Far East, primarily as a specialist in underground political technologies. He participated in a number of campaigns to change power in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District, working on behalf of the federal center in close cooperation with regional state security agencies. Photos from three years ago were found in the photo bank of one of the Far Eastern news agencies. They give an objective idea of the environment where the current leader of the Kremlin youth worked.
His work in the Far East was associated with several high-profile scandals related to the corruption activities of the local elite.
After Plenipotentiary Representative Safonov returned to the security forces, Timur Prokopenko reappeared in the State Duma, now in the high post of press secretary of State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov. For a year and a half, Prokopenko dealt with PR issues for the speaker, and to his credit, after his departure to MGER, there was much less of the chairman of the lower house on TV.The question is - why does the Young Guard need the absolutely encrypted Kremlin security official Timur Prokopenko? Maybe to carry out a pre-election “cleansing” of this youth organization? Within a few months of its leadership, several key figures in MGER lost their posts. The other day, Prokopenko removed the head of the MGER Central Headquarters, Roman Teryushkov, and the chairman of the MGER Public Council, Alexander Borisov, from their positions. According to rumors - for financial fraud.
In 2010-2012 he led the Young Guard of United Russia. In December 2011, he was elected to the State Duma of the VI convocation from the United Russia party as a representative of the Saratov region.
He resigned his parliamentary powers ahead of schedule, moving in February 2012 to work in the Internal Policy Department (IDP) of the Russian Presidential Administration. As deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs until December 2014, he was involved in youth and information policy, then began to supervise federal parties and elections. At the end of 2014 - beginning of 2015, he became involved in a number of scandalous publications carried out by the Anonymous International group, which posted on the Internet “materials allegedly obtained as a result of hacking Prokopenko’s mail and phone.” According to RBC, this information attack prevented Prokopenko from heading the UVP instead of Oleg Morozov, who resigned in March 2015 [
Why is Sergei Kiriyenko reorganizing the political bloc of the Presidential Administration. What awaits Moscow Region Governor Andrei Vorobyov. As Saratov governor Valery Radaev received permission to be elected for a new term. Who is to blame for the failure of Anti-Terror Day on April 6. How Vyacheslav Volodin used Alexei Navalny and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
According to sources close to the presidential administration, a reorganization of the internal political bloc has been going on there since the beginning of April. The main priority of his curator, the first deputy head of the Administration Sergei Kiriyenko was the strengthening of the Office of Public Projects (OPP), where about 20 employees were transferred from the Office of Internal Policy (OVP). A department of information policy has been created at the UOP, and work has also been strengthened with institutions for the protection of citizens' rights and the development of civil society. Issues of interaction between the Kremlin and the public have been transferred to the UVP, and the department, which previously dealt with political parties, will now be responsible for public associations. This redistribution, according to sources, will weaken the deputy head of the Internal Affairs Directorate Timur Prokopenko, one of the few “Volodin’s people” remaining in significant positions – the former first deputy head of the Administration. Previously, Prokopenko was responsible for all political parties, now - only for small non-parliamentary and public organizations. Another UVP department will now work with the main parties - United Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and A Just Russia. With this reorganization, sources believe, Kiriyenko broke the official working relationship between the speaker of the State Duma Vyacheslav Volodin and Prokopenko.
The “series” about the difficult political fate of the governor of the Moscow region continues Andrey Vorobyov. According to informed sources, the Vorobyov clan through representatives of the inner circle Vladimir Putin managed to get a verdict: “Let it work for now...”. Allegedly, one of these days a meeting between the governor and Vladimir Putin will be shown on federal television channels. If this happens, then it will be possible to believe in the statements of Vorobyov’s circle that their boss has fought off an imminent resignation and this “for now” may last until the 2018 presidential elections and a new large-scale personnel reformatting of the Russian government structures.
In political and business circles of the Saratov region, the March appointment of the governor Valeria Radaeva Acting, which means the Kremlin’s permission to be elected for a new term in the fall of 2017, is not at all associated with the support of his fellow countryman, the speaker of the State Duma Vyacheslav Volodin. Allegedly, Volodin personally was not active in lobbying for Radaev’s reappointment, explaining that this was now outside his sphere of competence. According to regional sources, Radaev managed to establish close economic ties with Moscow during the 2016 parliamentary campaign. And when the president made a decision - to change or not to change the Saratov governor - the argument in favor of Radaev was the large investments made by the Moscow mayor's office in the economy of the Saratov region. At the same time, there is an opinion among capital and Saratov experts that Volodin, demonstrating to Putin his focus on Duma affairs, actually asked the mayor of Moscow Sergei Sobyanin to advocate for Radaev before the president.
On the sidelines of the State Duma, the background to the communist’s parliamentary request is being actively discussed Valeria Rashkina to the RF IC with a request to check the information Alexei Navalny about possible corrupt activities of the prime minister Dmitry Medvedev, as well as the demand of the Communist Party faction to consider this issue at the Duma meeting. Allegedly, criticism of Medvedev by the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was “fueled” by the speaker Vyacheslav Volodin. He decided, through the hands of the communists, to make it clear to the prime minister that the government depends on parliament, and to get the opportunity to prove himself as an arbiter between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the White House. However, after the president took Medvedev to the Arctic archipelago, Volodin had to “move back.” He said that supporting the initiative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation means supporting Navalny, who sings from the voice of Western intelligence services. Nevertheless, on the sidelines of the Duma it is believed that Volodin achieved his bureaucratic goals: through the Communist Party of the Russian Federation he supported the tension around the “Medvedev cabinet”, while he himself remained “behind the scenes” of the intrigue and demonstrated to the president that he was working hard to consolidate power in a difficult situation.
In the Kremlin corridors they claim that the “failures” in organizing rallies against terrorism in memory of the victims of the subway explosion in St. Petersburg were the result of disagreements between Sergei Kiriyenko and head of the Department of Domestic Policy Andrey Yarin. Kiriyenko insisted on organizing 2-3 large rallies at large enterprises such as AvtoVAZ. The UVP issued orders to organize 2-3 rallies in small and 5-6 in large regions of the country. Allegedly, the UVP monitored the number of rallies almost online and ordered regions where they were small in number to “add” people. Hence the mobilization of state employees and paid extras. In media coverage and bloggers, this is exactly how all the events on April 6 were organized. This caused the anger of the AP leadership, which was followed by a tough conversation between Kiriyenko and Yarin. According to one version, Yarin, who is in a hardware alliance with Vyacheslav Volodin, deliberately once again set up Kiriyenko. According to another, Yarin works for another team in preparation for the 2018 elections. And this team has a different view from Kiriyenko on what is needed to support Putin.
The personality of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko is known thanks to his place of work, which is the administration of the President of the Russian Federation. He is a former State Duma deputy and former leader of the MGER party. Now he is deputy head of the internal policy department of the AP.
Journalist
Timur Prokopenko was born in the small town of Staraya Kupavna, which is located in the Moscow region. He graduated from the Faculty of Journalism at the Military University of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation in 2002. His father was an FSB colonel.
Who is Timur Prokopenko? His professional biography begins with working for ITAR-TASS as a correspondent. He has covered news both regionally and internationally. The scope of his work was extensive. The future politician visited many countries, covered terrorist attacks and high-profile events, and soon became involved in the parliamentary pool. It covered the activities of the highest representative authorities, and Prokopenko’s work as a correspondent now became connected with the legislative framework.
Further training
After training to become a journalist, in 2004 he completed his studies at the Moscow State Linguistic University. Soon he receives a diploma from another educational institution - the Russian Academy of Public Administration under the President of the Russian Federation (2006). The Civil Registry Office provides professional training and retraining of specialists for further public service.
Political career
2005 is the starting point of the formation of Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko as a politician. He begins working in the State Duma as the press secretary of the vice-speaker of parliament from United Russia, Vladimir Pekhtin. Two years later he was appointed to the Far Eastern District. This happened in 2007.
After a couple of years, Timur returns to the State Duma again as a press secretary, only now he no longer works for Pekhtin, but for the Speaker of Parliament
In 2010, Prokopenko became the head of the Coordination Council of the Young Guard of United Russia. Almost at the same time, he began to participate in the activities of the All-Russian Popular Front. Timur Valentinovich spent a year as a deputy of the State Duma. In 2012, he resigned early. During the same period, Prokopenko ceased to hold the position of chairman of the Young Guard Constitutional Court. He is a member of the United Russia faction. He has been the head of the department for work with youth organizations since 2012. He holds the post of deputy chairman of the committee on physical education, sports and youth affairs.
Leader of the Young Guard
The very fact that the young aspiring politician Prokopenko, far from this sphere, was given the post of leader of the MGER, stunned the other candidates who were left behind. Despite his initial lack of experience in this matter, he successfully worked in this position for two years.
The objectives of this youth organization, which was once headed by Timur Prokopenko, are mainly the following: involving talented and active youth in politics and solving social problems. MGER provides activists with the necessary basis for realizing themselves in the sphere of social activities and politics. During Prokopenko’s work in this position, more than 10,000 members of the Young Guard received the opportunity to put their abilities into practice and join this field. From among them, candidates for deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation were nominated. MGER’s work is also aimed at solving social issues and helping those in need.
Timur Prokopenko: Presidential Administration
Now he serves in the internal policy department of the Russian Federation Administration. Timur Valentinovich Prokopenko is the deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs, and his place of work is now the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. Previously, the scope of his activities covered youth and information policy, but currently he deals with issues that relate to federal parties and elections. Timur was appointed to this post in February 2012.
A department for work with youth was created in the Presidential Administration. Prokopenko was appointed head of this department. Due to the fact that he was appointed to a new position, he had to leave the Young Guard and his place as a State Duma deputy. Now his responsibility is to work with youth organizations, as well as to formulate the ideology of youth policy in the country. The creation of this department and the appointment of the former head of MGER to the position of head means the end of Rosmolodezh’s dominance in youth policy.
Personal life
Little is known about the politician’s family life. Prokopenko Timur Valentinovich is married and has one child - a daughter. It should be noted that this person does not like to talk about his personal life.
Timur Prokopenko: correspondence and scandal
A high-profile story is associated with his name, which received resonance in 2014-2015. Allegedly, a group of hackers hacked Prokopenko’s email and phone, and then posted personal correspondence on the Internet for public access, which covered the lives of politicians and some compromising information affecting their activities. This information shed light on a number of high-profile cases and touched on the details of these stories.
The publication of these messages (not from the best side) showed the state of affairs in politics. This revealed the Kremlin’s pressure on the media and methods of combating the opposition. But the scandal was soon forgotten, and no one needed the numerous revealing information. As many claimed, the fact of the disclosure of this correspondence was soon simply forgotten, because, in fact, no serious actions followed from anyone’s side. As some politicians said, if this had happened in another country, such a publication would have caused a huge scandal that dragged on for many years, with all the ensuing consequences. In our country, this high-profile case took place mainly only in the context of its discussion in blogs.
The correspondence contains information regarding how meetings are held with the participation of general directors of various television channels and what pressure is exerted on the media by the state apparatus. There is also correspondence between the politician and famous colleagues and actors regarding professional activities and personal issues.
Who needed to leak information from Prokopenko’s correspondence?
It is impossible to give a definite answer on this matter. In the posted SMS correspondence there is no particularly serious incriminating evidence on Timur Prokopenko himself. There are many theories regarding the email hacker. In essence, this correspondence consists of messages on work issues and some information from Prokopenko’s personal life. There are different options for who actually benefits from making this information widely available.
There is even an assumption that Prokopenko himself leaked the information, and there is also an opinion about Kremlin intrigues and the intervention of Russian and foreign intelligence services. Be that as it may, the main harm due to the fact of information leakage was caused not by the content of the confidential information itself, but by the fact that this incident occurred as such.
Prokopenko could head the UVP, since the head of the department, Oleg Morozov, resigned in the spring of 2015. But it was almost at this time that a sensational incident occurred with the disclosure of personal correspondence. This fact prevented Timur Prokopenko from taking a high position.