Act of Unconditional Surrender of Japan 1945 Act of Surrender of Japan. Japanese Surrender Act

After the Soviet Union entered the war against Japan, many Japanese statesmen realized that the political and strategic situation in Far East has changed radically and it is pointless to continue the war.

On the morning of August 9, an emergency meeting of the Supreme Council for War Management was held. Opening it, Prime Minister Suzuki stated: “I have come to the conclusion that the only possible alternative is the acceptance of the terms of the Potsdam Declaration and the cessation of hostilities” (888).

Supporters of the continuation of the war, Minister of War Anami, Chief of the General Staff of the Army Umezu and Chief of the Naval General Staff Toyoda insisted that the Potsdam Declaration be accepted only if the Allied powers fulfilled four obligations: maintaining the imperial system of government, punishing war criminals by the Japanese themselves, granting Japan the right independent disarmament and preventing its occupation by the Allies, and if occupation is inevitable, then it should be short-lived, carried out by small forces and not affect Tokyo (889).

Japan's leaders wanted to exit the war with the least political and moral damage. They didn't care about the loss of life. They knew that a well-trained and still powerful military, a properly cultivated population, would fight to the end. The armed forces, according to Anami and Toyoda, are able to inflict great damage on the enemy when he invades the metropolis. In other words, Japan, in their opinion, was not yet in a position to accept a declaration without putting forward any conditions. Anami even stated that the active army would not obey the demobilization order and would not agree to lay down its arms (890). The opinions of the participants in the meeting of the Supreme Council were divided, and no decision was made.

At 2 p.m. on August 9, 1945, an emergency meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers opened (891). It was attended by 15 people, of whom 10 were civilians. Thus, the balance of forces was not in favor of the military, who were in favor of continuing the war. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo read out the text of the Potsdam Declaration and proposed accepting it, stipulating only one condition: the preservation imperial power in the country.

Anami opposed. He again stated that if the countries that signed the Potsdam Declaration accepted all the conditions, the Japanese would continue the war. Five cabinet members abstained from voting. Secretary of the Navy, Ministers of Justice, Agriculture, Armaments and Communications, Education and the Minister without Portfolio supported Togo's proposal. The seven-hour meeting did not reveal a unanimous opinion.

At Suzuki's request, Emperor Hirohito convened the Supreme Council for War Direction. At the beginning of the meeting, Suzuki read out a draft response to the demands of the declaration prepared by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo. After listening to the points of view of those present, the emperor declared that the Japanese leadership had no chance of achieving success, and ordered the draft of the Minister of Foreign Affairs to be accepted (892).

On the morning of August 10, the Japanese government announced through neutral countries Sweden and Switzerland that it agreed to accept the terms of the Potsdam Declaration if “the allies agree not to include in it the clause on depriving the emperor of sovereign rights” (893). The statement said: “The Japanese Government is ready to accept the terms of the Declaration of July 26 of this year, to which the Soviet Government also joined. The Japanese Government understands that this Declaration does not contain any requirements that would impair the prerogatives of the Emperor as the sovereign ruler of Japan. The Japanese Government requests specific notice in this regard" (894).

In a response from the governments of the USSR, USA, Great Britain and China dated August 11, the Allies reaffirmed their demand for unconditional surrender and drew the attention of the Japanese Government to the provision of the Potsdam Declaration, which provided that from the moment of surrender the authority of the Emperor and the Japanese Government with respect to the administration of the state would be subordinated to the Supreme Commander of the Forces allied powers, who will take such steps as he deems necessary to implement the terms of surrender.

The Emperor would be asked, the reply said, to authorize and ensure the signing by the Government and the High Command of the terms of surrender necessary to fulfill the provisions of the Potsdam Declaration. In this regard, he will have to give orders to all military, naval and air authorities and all armed forces under their command, wherever located, to cease hostilities, surrender their weapons and comply with the orders of the Supreme Commander aimed at implementing the terms of surrender. The form of government of Japan will be established in accordance with the Potsdam Declaration by the freely expressed will of the Japanese people. The armed forces of the Allied Powers would remain in Japan "until the objectives set out in the Potsdam Declaration have been achieved" (895).

The response of the governments of the USSR, USA, Great Britain and China again caused controversy and disagreement in the Japanese government. The Minister of War, on his own initiative, addressed an appeal to all generals, officers and soldiers of the army, calling for continued decisive holy war, fight to the last drop of blood (896).

Commander-in-Chief of the Expeditionary Forces in China Okamura and Commander-in-Chief of Japanese forces in the area South Seas Tirauti, having learned about the intention of the government and headquarters to accept the Potsdam Declaration, sent telegrams to the Minister of War and the Chief of the General Staff, in which they also expressed disagreement with the decision on the need for surrender and argued for the possibility of continuing the war. Okamura wrote that “the entry of the Soviet Union into the war undoubtedly made the empire’s position even worse. However... despite the successful advance of the enemy and difficulties within the country, the entire army is ready to die with honor in battle, but achieve the goals of the war this fall" (897). The telegram sent to Tirauti to the Minister of War was written in a similar spirit.

The morning meeting of August 13 of the members of the Supreme Council for the Management of the War, as well as the afternoon meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers, was held in anticipation of news from the front. On August 14 at 10 o'clock the emperor convened a joint meeting of the Supreme Council for the Management of the War and the Cabinet of Ministers. Once again, military representatives proposed making reservations in terms of surrender or continuing the war. But the majority spoke in favor of making a decision on unconditional surrender, which was approved by the emperor (898). A statement was made on his behalf: “...I ordered the adoption of the Potsdam Declaration. My opinion has not changed... I command everyone to join me... Accept the terms immediately. So that the people can know about my decision, I command that an imperial rescript on this issue be urgently prepared” (899).

On the same day, the US government received through the Swiss government a message in which the four powers were informed that a rescript from the emperor had been issued in Japan accepting the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, readiness to authorize and ensure the signing of the corresponding document and give orders to “cease hostilities and surrender weapons, and give such other orders as the Supreme Commander of the Allied Armed Forces may require for the purpose of giving effect to the above conditions" (900).

Following the announcement of the acceptance of the terms of surrender, the Japanese government conveyed to the four powers the wishes: “a) to inform the Japanese side in advance regarding the introduction of fleets and armies of the Allied powers into the waters and territory of Japan, since the Japanese side must make appropriate preparations for this; b) reduce to a minimum the number of points on Japanese territory subject to occupation as determined by the Allied Powers; when choosing these points, exclude Tokyo and reduce to a minimum the number of troops that will be located at the points of occupation" (901). Other wishes were also put forward: to carry out disarmament in stages and by the Japanese themselves; leave edged weapons to the military personnel; do not use prisoners of war for forced labor; units located in remote areas be given additional time to implement a cessation of hostilities; remove wounded and sick Japanese from the remote Pacific islands as quickly as possible.

Having learned that the Emperor had taped an address to the people in which he announced the acceptance of the terms of the Potsdam Declaration and the end of the war by Japan, a group of fanatical officers, led by Major K. Hatanaka (“young tigers” from the department of the War Ministry and the capital’s military institutions) , on the night of August 15, decided to disrupt the adoption of the declaration and lead Japan along the path of continuing the war. They set their task to eliminate “supporters of peace” from the political arena, to incline the armed forces to disobedience, and so that the emperor’s decision would not become public, to remove the text with the recording of the speech before it was broadcast.

The commander of the 1st Guards Division, which guarded the imperial palace and without which it was impossible to carry out the putsch, did not want to participate in it and was killed. Having given the orders they needed on his behalf, the putschists entered the palace, attacked the residences of Prime Minister Suzuki, Lord Privy Seal K. Kido, Chairman of the Privy Council K. Hiranuma, as well as the Tokyo radio station. However, they were unable to find the wanted persons, as well as the tape recording of the speech. Other parts of the Tokyo garrison did not support the conspirators. Even many former supporters of the “young tigers”, not wanting to go against the emperor’s decision and not believing in the success of the putsch, refused to take part in it.

The hastily organized putsch was liquidated within the first hours. Its instigators were not tried. They were simply given the opportunity to do hara-kiri according to samurai custom.

On August 15, a rescript from Emperor Hirohito accepting the terms of surrender was broadcast over the radio. “We have ordered our government,” said Hirohito, “to convey to the governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union a message that our empire accepts the terms of their joint declaration” (902).

It is characteristic that both at the time of the promulgation of the imperial rescript and at post-war years Japanese official propaganda strongly emphasized the “special role of the emperor” in the events of August 9–15, 1945. According to its statements, surrender was announced only at the insistence of the emperor, and military defeat and the need for surrender were either not mentioned at all, or were considered secondary reasons.

In the difficult days for the Japanese militarists after August 9, some senior military and politicians countries, realizing the imminent collapse of their policies and the inevitability of retribution, resorted to suicide. On August 11, former Prime Minister Tojo, the first of Japan's main war criminals, unsuccessfully tried to commit suicide with a revolver shot. On August 15, War Minister Anami, the creator of the kamikaze corps, Vice Admiral T. Opisi, the commander-in-chief of the 1st United Army, Field Marshal Sugiyama, the commanders of the 10th, 11th and 12th fronts, and one of the former commanders of the Kwantung Army, General S. Honjo, committed suicide. , as well as other generals and ministers of the Suzuki cabinet (903).

On August 15, Suzuki's cabinet fell. All day and night, fires burned near many government institutions: archives, correspondence and other documents that could discredit the ruling elite were urgently burned.

Under these circumstances, political and military leaders began to push for the unilateral occupation of Japan by American troops in order to “confront the threat of communist revolution and help preserve the imperial system” (904).

On August 15, hostilities between the Anglo-American and Japanese armed forces ceased. However, in the territory of Northeast China, Korea, Southern Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands, Japanese troops continued to resist the Soviet Armed Forces. Units of the Kwantung Army did not receive an order to cease hostilities, therefore the Soviet troops in the Far East were also not given an order to cease hostilities. Only on August 19 did the first meeting of Marshal A. M. Vasilevsky take place with the chief of staff of the Kwantung Army, Hata, at which the parties agreed on the procedure for surrender. From that same day, Japanese troops began to lay down their arms in front of the Soviet Armed Forces. The disarmament of groups located in Northeast China and North Korea continued until the end of the month. At the same time, the operation in South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands was completed.

With the receipt of data on Japan’s acceptance of the terms of the Potsdam Declaration on August 14, 1945, the American side developed a draft “General Order No. 1 (Army and Navy)” on accepting the surrender of the Japanese armed forces. The draft order was approved by US President Truman and communicated to the allies on August 15. It defined the zones in which each of the Allied powers accepted the surrender of Japanese troops.

The Soviet government, in its response dated August 16, stated that it basically does not object to the contents of the order, but proposes to amend it: to include in the area of ​​surrender to Soviet troops all the Kuril Islands, which, by agreement of the three powers in Crimea, were transferred Soviet Union, and the northern half of Hokkaido (905). The US government was unable to raise any objections regarding the Kuril Islands. With regard to Hokkaido, Truman replied that General MacArthur was surrendering Japanese armed forces on all islands of Japan proper and he “will use symbolic (emphasis added by us. - Ed.) allied armed forces, which, of course, will include the Soviet armed forces" (906).

The US government essentially rejected allied control in post-war Japan, as provided for in the Potsdam Declaration, took the path of refusing to cooperate with the Soviet Union, and took a number of actions that clearly contradicted existing allied agreements. Thus, in President Truman’s response to the Soviet government on August 18, a demand was put forward to use one of the Kuril Islands as a US air base, and this demand was not even motivated. The Soviet government rejected this request, pointing out that the Kuril Islands, according to the Crimean Agreement, should come into the possession of the Soviet Union and that it understood “in view of what circumstances such a demand could arise.” The Soviet government's response explained that if the United States had in mind the landing of American commercial aircraft, then the USSR was ready to allocate an airfield, provided that the United States allocated the same one in the Aleutian Islands for landing Soviet aircraft (907).

All preparatory work to organize the official signing of the instrument of surrender was carried out by MacArthur's headquarters in Manila. MacArthur was appointed Allied Supreme Commander at this time; he was entrusted with accepting the surrender and its implementation. Upon assuming this position, MacArthur on August 19 forbade the signing of any documents of surrender in other theaters of war before he signed them himself. He also prohibited the re-occupation of territories occupied by the Japanese before the signing of the act of surrender in Tokyo (908). On August 19, a Japanese delegation led by the Deputy Chief of the General Staff arrived in Manila ground forces General T. Kawabe. It included 7 representatives of the army, 6 - navy and 2 - the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. They were notified of the dates and areas where the first occupation troops would land. In this regard, the Japanese army was supposed to leave the Atsugi airfield by the end of the day on August 24, the areas of Tokyo Bay and Sagami Bay - by August 25, the Kanon base and the southern part of Kyushu Island - by 12 o'clock on August 30 (909).

Kawabe and the senior representative from the fleet, Admiral I. Yokoyama, asked for a delay in the landing occupation forces for ten days, citing the need to take precautions to avoid untoward incidents. The request of the Japanese delegation was granted, although for a shorter period. The landing of the first units of the occupation forces was delayed by three days, until August 26, and the main forces - until August 28 (910).

On August 20, the Japanese representatives in Manila were presented with the instrument of surrender agreed upon by the Allied powers. The first paragraph of the act stated that Japan accepted “the terms of the declaration published on July 26 in Potsdam by the heads of government of the United States, China and Great Britain, to which the USSR subsequently joined” (911).

The act provided for the unconditional surrender of the armed forces of Japan itself and those under its control, regardless of their location. A special clause stipulated that Japanese troops would immediately cease hostilities and undertake to preserve and prevent damage to ships, aircraft, military and civilian property. The General Staff was directed to immediately issue orders to the commanders of Japanese forces, as well as troops under Japanese control, to ensure unconditional surrender, the immediate release of prisoners of war and interned civilians of the Allied powers, to provide for their protection, maintenance and care, and to immediately transport them to specified places. Issues regarding the occupation of Japan by the Allied armies and the procedure for signing the act of unconditional surrender of Japan were also discussed.

On September 2, 1945, a signing ceremony took place on board the American battleship Missouri, which entered Tokyo Bay.

MacArthur staged the ceremony to make it seem as if Japan had been crushed almost entirely by the United States. In an effort to emphasize that the victory sums up almost a century of US policy on Pacific Ocean, the Americans removed from the museum and delivered to the Missouri the flag with which in 1854 Commodore M. Perry “discovered” Japan, that is, forced it to sign an unequal treaty under the guns. The flag, placed in a glass display case, was placed in a prominent place.

A large table was placed on the upper deck of the battleship, at which sat representatives of the delegations of the USA, Great Britain, USSR, France, China, Australia, Canada, Holland, New Zealand, and numerous correspondents were present. The Japanese delegation included Foreign Minister Shigemitsu, representing the government, and General Umezu, the imperial headquarters.

The Japanese delegation was delivered aboard the battleship on the American destroyer Lansdowne at 8:55 a.m. Before reaching the table, the Japanese representatives stopped - the “minutes of shame” came. For five minutes, the Japanese delegation stood under the stern gaze of the representatives of the allied countries present on the ship.

At 9:04 a.m., after a brief speech by MacArthur, Shigemitsu and Umezu signed the act of unconditional surrender. Then it was signed by representatives of the allied powers: on behalf of all allied nations - Supreme Commander General D. MacArthur, on behalf of the United States of America - Admiral Charles Nimitz, China - Kuomintang General Su Yung-chang, Great Britain - Admiral B. Fraser, Soviet Union - General Derevyanko Kuzmich Nikolaevich, Australia - General T. Blamey, France - General J. Leclerc, Holland - Admiral K. Halfrich, New Zealand - Air Vice-Marshal L. Isit, Canada - Colonel N. Moore-Cosgrave.

The ceremony of signing the act of unconditional surrender lasted 20 minutes. Having received copies of the document of surrender, the Japanese delegation departed from the Missouri (912).

Following this, representatives of the Allied command began to accept the surrender of Japanese troops in various areas of the Pacific Ocean, China, and Southeast Asia. This procedure took several months.

ACT OF SURRENDER OF JAPAN, See Art. Japanese surrender... Great Patriotic War 1941-1945: encyclopedia

ACT OF SURRENDER OF JAPAN 1945- 2.9, joint document of the Allied powers on the unconditional surrender of Japan, presented. its representatives. Signed on board by Amer. battleship "Missouri" by representatives of Japan, the USA, the USSR, Great Britain, Australia, Canada, China, France,... ... Encyclopedia of the Strategic Missile Forces

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Act of Unconditional Surrender of Japan- signed on September 2, 1945, deprived Japan, which was defeated in the Second World War, of all the lands it had ever captured: South Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, Manchuria, Korea, Taiwan, etc.... Dictionary of terms (glossary) on the history of state and law of foreign countries

The style of this article is non-encyclopedic or violates the norms of the Russian language. The article should be corrected according to the stylistic rules of Wikipedia... Wikipedia

September 2, 1945 was the event that ended the fighting in World War II. By the end of July 1945, the Imperial Japanese Navy had lost its combat readiness, and the threat of an Allied invasion of Japanese territory arose. While... ... Wikipedia

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It was signed on September 2, 1945. Having made a preliminary decision and received the emperor’s approval for armistice negotiations, the Japanese government, overcoming internal difficulties, tried to contact the governments of the USSR, USA and England in order to... ... All Japan

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  • When the cherry blossoms bloom, Voronkov A.A.. On September 2, 1945, an act of unconditional surrender of Japan was signed on board the American missile cruiser Missouri. The Second World War is over, the armies have returned to their places...

Surrender Japanese Empire marked the end of World War II, particularly the Pacific War and the Soviet-Japanese War.

On August 10, 1945, Japan officially announced its readiness to accept the Potsdam terms of surrender with the reservation regarding the preservation of the structure of imperial power in the country. On August 11, 1945, the United States rejected Japan's amendment, insisting on the Potsdam Conference formula. As a result, on August 14, 1945, Japan officially accepted the terms of surrender and informed the allies about it.

The official ceremony of signing the Instrument of Japanese Surrender took place on September 2, 1945 at 9:02 am Tokyo time on board the American battleship Missouri in Tokyo Bay.

Signatories: Empire of Japan - Shigemitsu Mamoru, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Umezu Yoshijiro, Chief General Staff, Supreme Commander of the Allied Armies, US Army General Douglas MacArthur. The act was also signed by representatives of the USA - Fleet Admiral Chester Nimitz, Great Britain - Admiral Bruce Fraser, USSR - Lieutenant General Kuzma Derevyanko, Free French - General Jean Philippe Leclerc, Republic of China - First Class General Xu Yongchang, Canada - Colonel Lawrence Cosgrave, Australia - General Thomas Blamey, New Zealand - Air Vice-Marshal Leonard Isitt, the Netherlands - Lieutenant Admiral Emil Helfrich.

1. We, acting by order and on behalf of the Emperor, the Japanese Government and the Japanese Imperial General Staff, hereby accept the terms of the declaration issued on July 26th at Potsdam by the Heads of Government of the United States, China and Great Britain, to which the USSR subsequently acceded, which four powers will subsequently called the Allied Powers.

2. We hereby declare the unconditional surrender to the Allied Powers of the Japanese Imperial General Staff, all Japanese armed forces and all armed forces under Japanese control, regardless of where they are located.

3. We hereby order all Japanese troops, wherever located, and the Japanese people to immediately cease hostilities, preserve and prevent damage to all ships, aircraft and military and civilian property, and comply with all demands that may be made by the Supreme Commander Allied Powers or organs of the Japanese Government on its instructions.

4. We hereby order the Japanese Imperial General Staff to immediately issue orders to the commanders of all Japanese troops and troops under Japanese control, wherever located, to surrender unconditionally in person, and to ensure the unconditional surrender of all troops under their command.

5. All civil, military and naval officials shall obey and carry out all directions, orders and directives which the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers may deem necessary for the execution of this surrender, whether issued by himself or under his authority; we direct all such officials to remain at their posts and continue to perform their non-combat duties unless relieved thereof by special order issued by or under the authority of the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers.

6. We hereby pledge that the Japanese Government and its successors will faithfully carry out the terms of the Potsdam Declaration and give such orders and take such actions as the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers or any other representative designated by the Allied Powers may require in order to give effect to this declaration.

7. We hereby direct the Japanese Imperial Government and the Japanese Imperial General Staff to immediately release all Allied prisoners of war and civilian internees now under Japanese control and provide for their protection, maintenance and care, and their immediate delivery to designated places.

On September 2, 1945, the Empire of Japan unconditionally surrendered. The outbreak of war in the Asia-Pacific region was extinguished. The Second World War is over. Russia-USSR, despite all the machinations of obvious enemies and “partners,” confidently entered the phase of restoration of the Empire. Thanks to the wise and decisive policies of Joseph Stalin and his associates, Russia successfully restored its military-strategic and economic positions in the European (Western) and Far Eastern strategic directions.

At the same time, it is worth canceling that Japan, like Germany, was not the real instigator of the world war. They played the role of figures in Big game, where the prize is the entire planet. The real instigators of the world massacre were not punished. Although it was the masters of the USA and Great Britain who started the world war. The Anglo-Saxons nurtured Hitler and the “Eternal Reich” project. The dreams of the “possessed Fuhrer” about the New World Order and the dominance of the “chosen” caste over the rest of the “subhumans” were just a repetition of the English racial theory and social Darwinism. Britain had long been building a New World Order, where there was a metropolis and colonies, dominions; it was the Anglo-Saxons who created the world's first concentration camps, not the Germans.

London and Washington sponsored the revival of German military power and gave it almost all of Europe, including France. For Hitler to lead crusade to the East" and crushed the Russian (Soviet) civilization, which carried within itself the beginnings of a different, just world order, challenging the shadow masters Western world.

The Anglo-Saxons pitted the Russians against the Germans for the second time in order to destroy the two great powers, whose strategic alliance could bring long-term peace and prosperity to Europe and much of the world. At the same time, an elite battle also took place within the Western world itself. The Anglo-Saxon elite dealt a powerful blow to the old German-Roman elite, seizing leading positions in Western civilization. The consequences for Europe were dire. The Anglo-Saxons still control Europe, sacrificing its interests. European nations are condemned, they must assimilate, become part of the “global Babylon”.

However, not all the global plans of the owners of the Western project were realized. The Soviet Union not only was not destroyed and survived the difficult battle with the united forces of Europe, but also became a superpower that thwarted plans to establish the “Eternal Reich” (New World Order). For several decades, Soviet civilization became for humanity a beacon of Goodness and Justice, an example of a different path of development. The Stalinist society of service and creation was an example of a society of the future that can save humanity from the dead end of a consumer society that leads people to degradation and planetary catastrophe.

The Chief of the General Staff, General Umezu Yoshijiro, signs the Instrument of Surrender of Japan. Behind him is Japanese Foreign Minister Shigemitsu Mamoru, who has already signed the Act.


General Douglas MacArthur signs the Japanese surrender


Lieutenant General K. N. Derevyanko, on behalf of the USSR, signs the Act of Surrender of Japan on board the American battleship Missouri

Surrender of Japan

The crushing offensive of the Soviet Army, which led to the defeat and surrender of the Kwantung Army (; ;), dramatically changed the military-political situation in the Far East. All plans of the Japanese military-political leadership to prolong the war collapsed. The Japanese government feared a Soviet invasion of the Japanese Islands and dramatic changes political system.

The attack of Soviet troops from the northern direction and the threat of a successive invasion of Soviet troops through the narrow straits to the Kuril Islands and Hokkaido were considered more significant than the landing of the Americans on the Japanese islands proper after their passage by sea from Okinawa, Guam and the Philippines. They hoped to drown the American landing in the blood of thousands of suicide bombers, and in the worst case scenario, to retreat to Manchuria. The blow of the Soviet Army deprived the Japanese elite of this hope. Moreover, Soviet troops a rapid offensive deprived Japan of bacteriological reserves. Japan lost the opportunity to strike back at the enemy and use weapons of mass destruction.

At a meeting of the Supreme Military Council on August 9, 1945, the head of the Japanese government, Suzuki, said: “The entry of the Soviet Union into the war this morning puts us completely in a hopeless situation and makes it impossible to continue the war further.” At this meeting, the conditions under which Japan agreed to accept the Potsdam Declaration were discussed. The Japanese elite was practically unanimous in the opinion that it was necessary to preserve imperial power at any cost. Suzuki and other “proponents of peace” believed that in order to preserve imperial power and prevent revolution, it was necessary to capitulate immediately. Representatives of the military party continued to insist on continuing the war.

On August 10, 1945, the Supreme Military Council adopted the text of a statement to the allied powers, which was proposed by Prime Minister Suzuki and Foreign Minister Shigenori Togo. The text of the statement was supported by Emperor Hirohito: “The Japanese Government is ready to accept the terms of the Declaration of July 26 of this year, to which the Soviet Government also joined. The Japanese Government understands that this Declaration does not contain any requirements that would impair the prerogatives of the Emperor as the sovereign ruler of Japan. The Japanese Government requests certain notice in this regard." On August 11, the governments of the USSR, USA, Great Britain and China sent a response. It stated that the authority of the Emperor and the Government of Japan from the moment of surrender would be subordinated to the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers; the emperor must ensure that Japan signs the terms of surrender; Japan's form of government will ultimately be determined by the freely expressed will of the people, in accordance with the Potsdam Declaration; Allied forces will remain in Japan until the goals set out in the Potsdam Declaration are achieved.

Meanwhile, disputes continued among the Japanese elite. And in Manchuria there were fierce battles. The military insisted on continuing the fight. On August 10, an appeal from Army Minister Koretik Anami to the troops was published, emphasizing the need to “bring the holy war to the end.” The same appeal was issued on August 11. On August 12, Tokyo radio broadcast a message that the army and navy, “carrying out the highest order commanding the defense of the homeland and the highest person of the emperor, everywhere switched to active military operations against the allies.”

However, no orders could change the reality: the Kwantung Army was defeated, and it became pointless to continue resistance. Under pressure from the emperor and the “peace party,” the military was forced to reconcile. On August 14, at a joint meeting of the Supreme Military Council and the government in the presence of the emperor, a decision was made on the unconditional surrender of Japan. In the emperor's decree on Japan's acceptance of the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, the main place was given to the preservation of the “national state system.”

On the night of August 15, supporters of continuing the war rebelled and occupied the imperial palace. They did not encroach on the life of the emperor, but wanted to change the government. However, by the morning of August 15, the rebellion was suppressed. On August 15, the population of Japan, for the first time in their country, heard the emperor’s speech on the radio (recorded) about unconditional surrender. On this day and later, many military personnel committed samurai suicide - seppuku. Thus, on August 15, Army Minister Koretika Anami committed suicide.

This characteristic feature Japan - high level discipline and responsibility among the elite, which continued the traditions of the military class (samurai). Considering themselves guilty for the defeat and misfortune of their homeland, many Japanese chose to commit suicide.

The USSR and the Western powers differed in their assessment of the Japanese government's statement of surrender. The US and UK considered August 14-15 to be the last days of the war. August 14, 1945 became “the day of victory over Japan.” By this point, Japan had indeed ceased hostilities against the US-British military forces. However, fighting still continued in Manchuria, Central China, Korea, Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands. There, the Japanese resisted in a number of places until the end of August, and only the offensive of the Soviet troops forced them to lay down their arms.

When it became known that the Japanese Empire was ready to capitulate, the question arose about the appointment of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Powers in the Far East. Its functions were to accept the general surrender of the Japanese armed forces. On August 12, the American government proposed General D. MacArthur for this position. Moscow agreed with this proposal and appointed Lieutenant General K.N. Derevyanko as the representative of the USSR to the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Allied armies.

On August 15, the Americans announced the draft “General Order No. 1,” which indicated the areas where each of the Allied powers would accept the surrender of Japanese troops. The order stipulated that the Japanese in Northeast China, in the northern part of Korea (north of the 38th parallel) and in Southern Sakhalin would surrender to the Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet troops in the Far East. The surrender of Japanese troops in the southern part of Korea (south of the 38th parallel) was to be accepted by the Americans. The American command refused to conduct a landing operation in South Korea in order to interact with Soviet troops. The Americans chose to land troops in Korea only after the end of the war, when there was no longer any risk.

Moscow generally did not object to the general content of General Order No. 1, but made several amendments. The Soviet government proposed to include in the area of ​​surrender of Japanese forces to Soviet troops all the Kuril Islands, which, according to the agreement in Yalta, were transferred to the Soviet Union and the northern part of the island of Hokkaido. The Americans did not raise serious objections to the Kuril Islands, since the issue about them was resolved at the Yalta Conference. However, the Americans still tried to nullify the decision of the Crimean Conference. On August 18, 1945, the day the Kuril operation began, Moscow received a message from American President Truman, which spoke of the United States’ desire to obtain the rights to create an air base on one of the Kuril Islands, presumably in the central part, for military and commercial purposes. Moscow resolutely rejected these claims.

Regarding the issue of Hokkaido, Washington rejected the Soviet proposal and insisted that Japanese troops on all four islands of Japan proper (Hokkaido, Honshu, Shikoku and Kyushu) surrender to the Americans. At the same time, the United States did not formally deny the USSR the right to temporarily occupy Japan. “General MacArthur,” the American President reported, “will use symbolic allied armed forces, which, of course, will include Soviet armed forces, for the temporary occupation of such part of Japan proper as he deems necessary to occupy in order to implement our allied terms of surrender.” But in fact, the United States relied on unilateral control in Japan. On August 16, Truman spoke at a conference in Washington and stated that Japan would not, like Germany, be divided into occupation zones, that all Japanese territory would be under American control.

In fact, the United States abandoned allied control in post-war Japan, as provided for in the Potsdam Declaration of July 26, 1945. Washington was not going to let Japan out of its sphere of influence. Japan before World War II was greatly influenced by Britain and the United States, now the Americans wanted to restore their position. The interests of American capital were also taken into account.

After August 14, the United States repeatedly tried to put pressure on the USSR in order to stop the advance of Soviet troops against the Japanese. The Americans wanted to limit the zone of Soviet influence. If Russian troops had not occupied South Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands and North Korea, then American forces could appear there. On August 15, MacArthur gave the Soviet Headquarters a directive to cease offensive operations in the Far East, although Soviet troops were not subordinate to the allied command. The Allies were then forced to admit their “mistake.” They say that the directive was passed on not for “execution,” but for “information.” It is clear that this US position did not contribute to strengthening friendship between the allies. It became clear that the world was heading towards a new clash - now between former allies. The United States tried to use rather harsh pressure to stop the further expansion of the zone of Soviet influence.

This policy of the United States played into the hands of the Japanese elite. The Japanese, like the Germans earlier, hoped to the last that a major conflict would occur between the allies, even leading to an armed clash. Although the Japanese, like the Germans before, miscalculated. At this point, the United States relied on Kuomintang China. The Anglo-Saxons first used Japan, provoking it to start hostilities in the Pacific Ocean and to aggression against China and the USSR. True, the Japanese dodged and, having received tough military lessons, did not attack the USSR. But overall, the Japanese elite lost, being drawn into a war with the United States and Britain. The weight categories were too different. The Anglo-Saxons used Japan, and in 1945 the time came to bring it under complete control, even to the point of military occupation, which continues to this day. Japan first became an almost open colony of the United States, and then a semi-colony, a dependent satellite.

All the preparatory work for organizing the official Instrument of Surrender was carried out at MacArthur's headquarters in Manila. On August 19, 1945, representatives of the Japanese headquarters, led by the Deputy Chief of the General Staff, arrived here Imperial Army Japan by Lieutenant General Torashiro Kawabe. It is characteristic that the Japanese sent their delegation to the Philippines only when they were finally convinced that the Kwantung Army had been defeated.

On the day the Japanese delegation arrived at MacArthur’s headquarters there, a “denunciation” of the Japanese government against Soviet troops who had begun an operation in the Kuril Islands was received by radio from Tokyo. The Russians were accused of violating the supposed post-August 14 “prohibition of hostilities.” It was a provocation. The Japanese wanted the allied command to intervene in the actions of the Soviet troops. On August 20, MacArthur stated: “I sincerely hope that, pending the formal signature of the surrender, a truce will reign on all fronts and that the surrender can be effected without the shedding of blood.” That is, it was a hint that Moscow was to blame for the “shedding of blood.” However, the Soviet command did not intend to stop the fighting until the Japanese stopped resistance and laid down their arms in Manchuria, Korea, South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands.

The Instrument of Surrender, agreed upon by the allied countries, was handed over to Japanese representatives in Manila. General MacArthur notified Japanese headquarters on August 26 that the American fleet had begun moving toward Tokyo Bay. The American armada included about 400 ships and 1,300 aircraft, which were based on aircraft carriers. On August 28, advanced American forces landed at Atsugi Airfield, near Tokyo. On August 30, a massive landing of American troops began in the area of ​​the Japanese capital and in other areas of the country. On the same day, MacArthur arrived and took control of the Tokyo radio station and created an information bureau.

For the first time in Japanese history, its territory was occupied by foreign troops. She had never had to capitulate before. On September 2, 1945, a ceremony for signing the Instrument of Surrender took place in Tokyo Bay on board the American battleship Missouri. On behalf of the Japanese government, the Act was signed by Foreign Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu, and by the Chief of the General Staff, General Yoshijiro Umezu, on behalf of the Imperial Headquarters. On behalf of all allied nations, the Act was signed by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies, US Army General Douglas MacArthur, from the USA - Admiral Chester Nimitz, from the USSR - Lieutenant General Kuzma Derevianko, from China - General Xu Yongchang, from Britain - Admiral Bruce Fraser. Representatives of Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Holland and France also signed.

According to the Act of Surrender, Japan accepted the terms of the Potsdam Declaration and declared the unconditional surrender of all armed forces, both its own and those under its control. All Japanese troops and the population were ordered to immediately cease hostilities, preserve ships, aircraft, military and civilian property; the Japanese government and General Staff were ordered to immediately release all Allied prisoners of war and interned civilians; the power of the emperor and the government was subordinated to the supreme allied command, which must take measures to implement the terms of surrender.

Japan finally stopped resisting. The occupation of the Japanese islands began by American troops with the participation of British forces (mostly Australians). By September 2, 1945, the surrender of the Japanese troops that opposed the Soviet Army was completed. At the same time, the remnants of Japanese forces in the Philippines capitulated. The disarmament and capture of other Japanese groups dragged on. On September 5, the British landed in Singapore. On September 12, the Act of Surrender of Japanese Armed Forces in Southeast Asia was signed in Singapore. On September 14, the same ceremony took place in Malaya, and on September 15 in New Guinea and North Borneo. On September 16, British troops entered Hong Kong (Hong Kong).

The surrender of Japanese troops in Central and Northern China took place with great difficulty. The offensive of Soviet troops in Manchuria created favorable opportunities for the liberation of the remaining regions of China from the occupiers. However, Chiang Kai-shek's regime stuck to its line. The Kuomintang now considered the main enemy not the Japanese, but the Chinese communists. Chiang Kai-shek made a deal with the Japanese, giving them the “responsibility of maintaining order.” Meanwhile, the People's Liberation Forces successfully advanced in the regions of Northern, Central and Southern China. For two months, from 11 August to 10 October 1945, the 8th and New 4th people's armies killed, wounded and captured more than 230 thousand soldiers of Japanese and puppet troops. The people's troops liberated large territories and dozens of cities.

However, Chiang Kai-shek continued to stick to his line and tried to prohibit accepting the enemy’s surrender. The transfer of Kuomintang troops on American planes and ships to Shanghai, Nanjing and Tanjing was organized under the pretext of disarmament of Japanese troops, although these cities were already blockaded by popular forces. Kuomintang troops were transferred to increase pressure on the Chinese people's armies. At the same time, Japanese troops took part in hostilities on the side of the Kuomintang for several months. The signing of the surrender on October 9 in Nanjing by Japanese troops was formal. The Japanese were not disarmed and until 1946 they fought as mercenaries against the popular forces. Volunteer units were formed from Japanese soldiers to fight the communists and were used for security railways. And three months after the surrender of Japan, tens of thousands of Japanese soldiers did not lay down their arms and fought on the side of the Kuomintang. The Japanese commander in chief in China, General Teiji Okamura, still sat at his headquarters in Nanjing and was now subordinate to the Kuomintang government.

Modern Japan should remember the lesson of September 2, 1945. The Japanese must realize that the Anglo-Saxons played them off in 1904-1905. with Russia, and then for decades pitted Japan against Russia (USSR) and China. What exactly did the US subject the Yamato race to? atomic bombing and turned Japan into their semi-colony. That only friendship and a strategic alliance along the Moscow-Tokyo line can ensure a period of long-term prosperity and security in the Asia-Pacific region. The Japanese people do not need to repeat old mistakes in the 21st century. The enmity between the Russians and the Japanese benefits only the owners of the Western project. There are no fundamental contradictions between Russian and Japanese civilizations and they are doomed to creation by history itself. In the future, the Moscow-Tokyo-Beijing axis could ensure peace and prosperity in most of the Eastern Hemisphere for centuries. Union three great civilizations will help keep the world from chaos and catastrophe, to which the masters of the West are pushing humanity.

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Day of the end of World War II. The Act of Unconditional Surrender of Japan was signed

Signing of the Unconditional Surrender of Japan on board the battleship Missouri

The surrender of Japan, signed on September 2, 1945, marked the end of World War II, particularly the Pacific War and the Soviet-Japanese War.


On August 9, 1945, the Soviet government declared a state of war between the USSR and Japan. At the final stage of World War II, the Manchurian Strategic War was carried out offensive Soviet troops with the aim of defeating the Japanese Kwantung Army, liberating the northeastern and northern provinces of China (Manchuria and Inner Mongolia), the Liaodong Peninsula, Korea, and eliminating Japan's large military-economic base on the Asian continent. Soviet troops launched an offensive. Aviation carried out strikes on military installations, troop concentration areas, communication centers and communications of the enemy in the border zone. Pacific Fleet, entering the Sea of ​​Japan, cut communications connecting Korea and Manchuria with Japan, and launched air and naval artillery attacks on enemy naval bases.

On August 18-19, Soviet troops reached the approaches to the most important industrial and administrative centers of Manchuria. To speed up the capture of the Kwantung Army and prevent the enemy from evacuating or destroying material assets, an airborne assault force was landed on this territory. On August 19, the mass surrender of Japanese troops began. The defeat of the Kwantung Army in the Manchurian Operation forced Japan to capitulate.

The Second World War ended completely and finally when, on September 2, 1945, on board the American flagship battleship Missouri, which arrived in the waters of Tokyo Bay, Japanese Foreign Minister M. Shigemitsu and Chief of the General Staff General Y. Umezu, US Army General D. MacArthur , Soviet Lieutenant General K. Derevianko, Admiral of the British Fleet B. Fraser, on behalf of their states, signed the “Act of Unconditional Surrender of Japan.”

Representatives of France, the Netherlands, China, Australia, and New Zealand were also present at the signing. Under the terms of the Potsdam Declaration of 1945, the terms of which Japan accepted in full, its sovereignty was limited to the islands of Honshu, Kyushu, Shikoku and Hokkaido, as well as smaller islands of the Japanese archipelago - at the direction of the allies. The islands of Iturup, Kunashir, Shikotan and Habomai went to the Soviet Union. Also, according to the Act, hostilities on the part of Japan ceased immediately, all Japanese and Japanese-controlled armed forces unconditionally surrendered; weapons, military and civilian property were preserved without damage. The Japanese government and general staff were ordered to immediately release Allied prisoners of war and interned civilians. All Japanese civilian, military, and naval officials were required to obey and carry out the instructions and orders of the Supreme Command of the Allied Powers. In order to monitor the implementation of the Act, by decision of the Moscow Conference of the Foreign Ministers of the USSR, USA and Great Britain, the Far Eastern Commission and the Allied Council for Japan were created.