Topic: Russia at the turn of the XIX-XX centuriesXX at.
Lesson:The social movement of Russia at the beginningXX century
Social movement in Russia at the beginning of the XX century acquired a completely different force. The empire found itself in a situation of choice: either radical changes, or try to “conserve” the model.
1. The main directions of socio-political thought
The process of modernization of the Russian Empire that began could not but give rise to a further differentiation of public consciousness. Prominent representatives of the country's ruling elite, opposition and revolutionary circles were especially acutely concerned about the further development of the country, its place in the world community, the correlation of traditional values \u200b\u200band new ideas. According to their ideological convictions, the Russian public elite was extremely heterogeneous:
1.1. State Conservatism was represented by the names of K.P. Pobedonostseva, L.A. Tikhomirova D.I. Ilovaysky, V.P. Meshchersky and other prominent Russian traditionalists who advocated the defense of the autocratic form of government, the Orthodox faith and centuries-old folk traditions and values.
Fig. 1. Procession of activists of the Union of Michael the Archangel ()
1.2. Slavophil tradition found its further development in the works of outstanding Russian philosophers V.S. Soloviev, N.F. Fedorov, brothers S.N. and E.N. Trubetskoy and other prominent representatives of this movement, who made a special emphasis on the ideas of religious and moral renewal of the country and Russian society based on traditional values: the patriarchy of the Russian community and family, spirituality, religiosity, etc.
1.3. Westernist Doctrine She found her prominent representatives in the face of prominent Russian liberals, among whom prominent Russian historians and social scientists P.N. Milyukov, V.O. Klyuchevsky, N.I. Kareev, A.A. Kornilov, V.D. Nabokov, D.N. Shipov, V.I. Vernadsky and others. Unlike their long-standing opponents, they advocated the establishment of a constitutional form of government in the form of a parliamentary (constitutional) monarchy and the establishment of a rule of law based on the principle of separation of powers.
1.4. Revolutionary camp It was presented by supporters of the socialist doctrine - the Narodniks, Anarchists and Marxists, in the bowels of which there were several main trends:
liberal (legal) Narodniks and revolutionary neo-Narodniks, who still professed the theory of "peasant socialism." Prominent ideologists of legal populists were N.K. Mikhailovsky, V.P. Vorontsov, S.N. Yuzhakov, N.F. Danielson and S.N. Krivenko, and the generally recognized leaders and ideologists of illegal populists were V.Ya. Chernov and N.D. Avksentiev;
Fig. 2. Zemsky assembly of the Amur region ()
anarchists, in the bowels of which two main trends were identified - revolutionary anarchism ("bread-breeders") (P. Kropotkin, M. Dainov, G. Gogelia, M. Goldsmith) and non-violent anarchism ("Tolstoyans") (L. Tolstoy, P. Nikolaev , V. Chertkov), - continued to profess the ideas of liquidation of any state, which was the main carrier of all existing forms of oppression and despotism;
social Democrats, which was represented by two main trends:
legal Marxists (P. B. Struve, N. A. Berdyaev, S. L. Frank, S. N. Bulgakov) and economists (M. I. Tugan-Baranovsky, E. D. Kuskova), who rejected the inevitability of a socialist revolution as a necessary condition for building socialism;
revolutionary Marxists, in the framework of which they traditionally distinguish: the moderate wing (G.V. Plekhanov, P. B. Axelrod, L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich), who considered the socialist revolution a matter of the distant future; the radical wing (V.I. Lenin, Yu.O. Martov), \u200b\u200bwhich argued that a socialist revolution in Russia is possible in the foreseeable historical perspective.
2. The formation of the first political parties and movements
Since the second half of the 1890s. in Russia, a marked growth of the opposition and revolutionary movement began, a distinctive feature of which was the emergence of the first political parties and movements of various ideological orientations.
2.1. Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP)
In the mid 1890s two new illegal Marxist circles arose in the capitals of the Russian Empire - the Moscow Workers' Union and the Petersburg Union for the Emancipation of the Working Class, whose main task was to propagate the ideas of Marxism in the working environment. However, the activities of these circles were soon suppressed by the police, and many of their leaders, including V.I. Lenin, Yu.O. Martov V.D. Bonch-Bruevich, G.M. Krzhizhanovsky was taken into custody, convicted and exiled to Siberia.
In March 1898, the First Constituent Congress of Social Democrats was convened in Minsk, at which 9 delegates from six Marxist circles decided to form the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), approved its party manifesto, authored by P. Struve, and the Central Committee consisting of three people was elected: S.I. Radchenko, B.L. Eidelman and A.I. Kremer.
However, because of serious disagreements, this congress could not accept either the party’s program or its charter, so the local Marxist circles continued to work autonomously. The ideological confusion corresponded to organizational fragmentation: within the Social Democratic movement, a new split between the supporters of "pure Marxism" and the "revisionists" was identified. In 1899, a famous pamphlet was published entitled “Credo” (“I Believe”), which was authored by members of the foreign Union of Russian Social Democrats E. Kuskova and S. Prokopovich. In this work, the concept of “economism” (“trade unionism”) was first formulated, the essence of which was as follows: since the Russian proletariat has not yet matured to participate in a conscious political struggle, it is necessary to create a legal working party on the basis of trade unions that will defend exclusively economic and social interests of the working class. Against this platform strongly opposed most of prominent figures of Russian social democracy, including G.V. Plekhanov and V.I. Lenin, who in their "Protest" called this platform "political suicide" and called for the creation of a revolutionary workers' party.
A new attempt to create such a party was made at the end of 1900, when V. Ulyanov-Lenin, in his famous article “Where to start?” Proposed to start creating a new type of party through the ideological defeat of the opportunists - “legal Marxists” and “economists” - and the development of common program goals and tactical objectives of the party. According to the plan of V. Lenin, this all-important work was to be carried out by an all-Russian political newspaper.
After returning from exile, he became closely involved in this problem, and already in December 1900 the first issue of the Iskra Social Democrats newspaper was published in Leipzig. Its editorial staff on the Russian side included V. Lenin, Yu. Martov and A. Potresov, and on the foreign side, V. Plekhanov, P. Axelrod and V. Zasulich, members of the famous Geneva group Emancipation of Labor. The activities of Iskra and the new Leninist work “What to Do?” (1902) created the necessary ideological and organizational prerequisites for convening a new party congress.
In July-August 1903, the Second Congress of the RSDLP was held in Brussels and then in London, with 43 representatives of 26 regional Marxist circles becoming delegates. At the congress, the party’s first program (in the Leninist edition) was quickly adopted, which consisted of two parts:
The “minimum program”, which contained the party’s tasks at the stage of the bourgeois-democratic revolution (the liquidation of the autocratic monarchy, the establishment of a democratic republic, the solution of the agrarian question by completely eliminating landowner land tenure);
“Maximum program”, in which the task was set of conquering political power by the proletariat by organizing and conducting the socialist revolution.
However, a rather heated debate erupted according to the party’s charter. The stumbling block was the issue of party membership: a tough party charter based on the principles of “democratic centralism” proposed by V. Ulyanov (Lenin) was rejected by the majority of congress delegates and a more liberal charter was adopted, the author of which was Y. Cederbaum (Martov) .
The party’s governing bodies were elected at the congress: the Central Organ (TSO) - the Iskra newspaper, whose editors included V. Lenin, Yu. Martov and G. Plekhanov, and the Central Committee (CC) composed of G. Krizhanovsky, V. Lengnik and V. Noskov. The chairman of the party’s council, which was supposed to coordinate the activities of the Central Organ and the Central Committee, was the oldest Russian Marxist - Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov.
At the Second Congress, for the first time, a division of the party into Mensheviks (supporters of Yu. Martov and G. Plekhanov) and Bolsheviks (supporters of V. Lenin) arose, which would soon be formalized. It is no coincidence that a little later V. Lenin will directly indicate that "Bolshevism as a trend of political thought and as a political party has existed since 1903."
After the congress, between the two trends of Russian Social-Democracy, a sharp struggle will begin for influence in the central party organs, in which the Mensheviks will win: at the turn of 1903-1904 Yu. Martov, G. Plekhanov, P. Axelrod and L. Bronstein (Trotsky) will take control of Iskra and the Central Committee. In connection with this circumstance, in May 1904, in his new work, “A Step Forward, Two Steps Back,” V. Lenin urged his supporters to immediately disengage from the Mensheviks, and already in December 1904 around the new newspaper “Forward,” the editors of which headed V. Lenin, V. Vorovsky and A. Lunacharsky, the Bolshevik faction — the RSDLP (b) —will be organized.
2.2. Party of Socialists of Revolutionaries (Socialist Revolutionaries)
Other powerful revolutionary movement in Russia became revolutionary neo-Narodism. Back in the late 1890s. the rebirth of the populist organizations that were defeated by the tsarist government in the early 1880s began. The main provisions of the populist doctrine remained practically unchanged. However, her new theorists, primarily Viktor Mikhailovich Chernov, Grigory Andreyevich Gershuni, Nikolai Dmitrievich Avksentiev and Abram Rafailovich Gotz, not recognizing the very progressive nature of capitalism, nevertheless recognized its victory in the country. But being absolutely convinced that Russian capitalism was a completely artificial phenomenon, forcibly enforced by the Russian police state, they still earnestly believed in the theory of "peasant socialism" and considered the land-peasant community a ready-made unit of socialist society.
At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. Several large neo-popular organizations emerged in Russia and abroad, including the Berne Union of Russian Socialist Revolutionaries (1894), the Moscow Northern Union of Socialist Revolutionaries (1897), and the Agrarian Socialist League (1898). ) and the "Southern Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries" (1900), whose representatives in the autumn of 1901 agreed to create a single Central Committee, which included V.M. Chernov, M.R. Gotz, G.A. Gershuni and others
Fig. 6. Group photo of members of the party of socialists-revolutionaries ()
In the first years of its existence, before the Constituent Congress, which took place only in the winter of 1905-1906, the Social Revolutionaries did not have a generally accepted program and charter. Their views and the main program settings were reflected in two print media - the newspaper “Revolutionary Russia” and the journal “Bulletin of the Russian Revolution”.
From the Narodniks, the Socialist Revolutionaries adopted not only the basic ideological principles and attitudes, but also the tactics of combating the existing autocratic regime - terror. In the fall of 1901, Grigory Andreevich Gershuni, Evno Fishelevich Azef and Boris Viktorovich Savinkov created within the party a strictly conspiratorial, virtually independent of the Central Committee "Combat Organization of the Socialist Revolutionary Party." In the years 1901-1906. members of this frankly terrorist organization committed more than 200 acts of terrorism that shocked the whole country. In these years, the Minister of Education Nikolai Pavlovich Bogolepov (1901), the Interior Ministers Dmitry Sergeyevich Sipyagin (1902) and Vyacheslav Konstantinovich Pleve (1904), the Ufa Governor-General Nikolai Modestovich Bogdanovich (1903) were killed at the hands of terrorists. , Moscow Governor-General, Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich (1905) and many other high dignitaries of the empire. In August 1906, the militants of the Socialist Revolutionaries attempted the assassination of the chairman of the Council of Ministers of Russia P. Stolypin, as a result of which several dozens of innocent people were killed and crippled, including his seventeen-year-old daughter, Natalya, who was torn off both legs.
2.3. Liberal movement
In the mid 1890s the liberal movement opposed to autocracy has noticeably revived, the main area of \u200b\u200bactivity of which has become the zemstvos. In Russian liberalism of that period, there were two main ideological centers.
Some of the leaders of the Zemstvo-liberal movement, in particular Dmitry Nikolaevich Shipov, Petr Aleksandrovich Geiden and Nikolai Nikolaevich Lvov, who denied radicalism in politics and who respected the Slavophile tradition, sought to combine the liberal concept of the relationship between the individual and the state with conservatism. Thus, they tried to reconcile the theory of “unlimited personal freedom” with the recognition of historical traditions as universal national values. Subsequently, on this ideological basis, several large liberal-conservative political parties will emerge, including the famous “October 17 Union” or the Octobrist Party.
Another part of liberal figures, in particular Pavel Dmitrievich Dolgorukov, Petr Dmitrievich Dolgorukov, Vasily Alekseevich Maklakov and Pavel Nikolaevich Milyukov, who were direct heirs to the Westernist tradition, more consistently spoke from purely liberal positions.
In domestic historical science (N. Pirumova, V. Shelokhaev), the first stage in the organizational design of the Zemstvo-liberal movement in Russia is traditionally associated with the beginning of the activity in Moscow of the famous circle of Zemstvo leaders "Conversation" (1899-1905), of which the brothers were members Peter and Pavel Dolgorukovs, Eugene and Sergey Trubetskoys, Vasily Maklakov, Dmitry Shipov, Alexander Bobrinsky and others.
The second stage in the formation of the liberal movement was associated with the release in June 1902 in Stuttgart, Germany, of the first issue of the Liberation magazine, edited by Peter Struve. The name of this magazine already clearly linked the demarcation among liberals of “conservatives” and “constitutionalists”. In the well-known policy statement “From Russian Constitutionalists”, authored by Pavel Milyukov, the basic requirements of the liberal opposition were quite clearly stated: the adoption of a constitution, the creation of an all-Russian elected body of representative power, legislative consolidation of fundamental political rights and freedoms, etc.
In February 1903, in the journal Liberation, a new programmatic article by P. Milyukov, “On the Next Issues,” was published, in which it announced the final break with the Slavophil tradition in the liberal movement.
The third stage in the development of the liberal movement began in the second half of 1903, when the first semi-legal and competing liberal organizations emerged: the Moscow "Union of Zemstvo-Constitutionalists" (November 1903) and the St. Petersburg "Union of Liberation" (January 1904) headed by I. Petrunkevich and P. Struve. Later, in his memoirs, P. Milyukov noted that such a situation in the liberal movement arose because the liberal intelligentsia did not want to unite with the Zemstvo constitutionalists, and they, in turn, did not want to make concessions to intellectual radicalism.
In November 1904, with “the highest permission”, the First Zemsky Congress was held in the capital, at which the liberal opposition first openly called on the authorities to initiate reforms in the country and establish the supreme body of “people's representation”. Some members of the Russian government, including the new Minister of the Interior, Prince Pyotr Dmitriyevich Svyatopolk-Mirsky, who was appointed to this post with the submission of Tsar Maria Fedorovna’s mother, supported the demands of the liberals, and at the end of November 1904 he submitted a report on the political program addressed to the sovereign government, which proposed the inclusion of "elected representatives of Zemstvos" in the State Council. The discussion of this report at a special meeting chaired by Nicholas II caused a sharp demarcation among the ruling elite of the country. A number of influential members of the State Council, including D.A. Solsky, A.S. Ermolov and E.M. Frisch supported this program. However, due to the sharply negative position of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, K. Pobedonostsev, S. Witte, V. Kokovtsev and N. Muravyov, the proposal of the Minister of the Interior was rejected. Moreover, on December 12, 1904, the imperial decree "On measures to improve the state order" and "Government Communication" were issued, in which, in a rather strict form, they declared the inadmissibility of "noisy gatherings" of liberals and their putting forward requirements unacceptable to the government.
In January 1905, P. Svyatopolk-Mirsky was dismissed and replaced by General Alexander Grigoryevich Bulygin, not inclined to any compromises with the liberals. After the collapse of the so-called “era of confidence of P. Svyatopolk-Mirsky”, the liberals moved into a tougher opposition to the autocratic regime and set about creating a full-fledged political party.
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1. Publishing house "Russian Idea" ().
5. Socialist-Revolutionaries, Socialist Revolutionaries ().
Social contradictions and the inability of the government to solve the most important political problems led at the beginning of the 20th century to a deep socio-political crisis, which was expressed:
- in the struggle of the working people against the autocratic system
- in disputes within the ruling elite and government fluctuations
- in expanding the clearance process political movements and currents in the party
WORKING MOVEMENT
Started in late XIX at. industrialization led to quantitative and qualitative growth of the working class. This contributed to the consolidation of the working class, simplified the task of uniting it and the emergence of the labor movement. The main requirement of the workers was to limit the working day to 8 hours. One of the requirements was the creation of a state insurance system.
Severe living and working conditions forced workers to organize and fight for their rights. Since 1900, Russian workers began to hold rallies and demonstrations and put forward their demands. The strikes were mainly economic in nature. There was no unified approach in the government on the working issue. Instead of tough measures, the head of the Moscow security department, S. V. Zubatov, suggested that the government itself create workers organizations, form funds for social support for workers, open stores and schools (Zubatovschina). Zubatovsky "code" even allowed an economic strike. This is precisely what served as the main reason for criticizing Zubatov and his resignation in 1903. The government took the path of coercive measures again. Becoming more and more massive and organized, the labor movement is changing its character. Under the influence of social democracy, its participants are increasingly putting forward political demands along with economic ones. The organizations of social democracy are created in St. Petersburg (1895 - “The Union of the struggle for the liberation of the working class”, leaders: A. A. Vaneev,
P. K. Zaporozhets, V. I. Ulyanov, Lev Martov), \u200b\u200bin Moscow (1894 - “Workers' Union”, 1898 - “Russian Social Democratic Labor Party”, then the RSDLP committee), and then all over the country. Since the beginning of the XX century. in the labor movement, a transition to mass political uprisings is planned.
PEASAN MOVEMENT
Under the influence of the agrarian crisis at the beginning of the XX century. the peasant movement grew markedly. A major role in the deterioration of the already poor situation of the peasantry was played by famine, which swept in 1901 the central and southern provinces of Russia. In the years 1900-1904. Peasants' speeches reached a significant scale (about 600 unrest in 42 provinces of the European part of Russia). However, during these years, peasants rarely put forward political demands, usually oppose individual landlords and demand the division of landowner land, and the reduction of taxes and duties. Particularly broadly, the peasant movement unfolded in March-April 1902 in the Poltava and Kharkov provinces, covering more than 150 thousand peasants. Government troops were introduced into these provinces. Peasants were punished by entire villages, put on trial, and exiled to hard labor. For the "losses" inflicted on the landlords, the government imposed an additional tax of 800,000 rubles on the peasants.
INTELLIGENCE MOVEMENT
An important evidence of the growing crisis in the country was the movement of democratic intelligentsia. She demanded political freedoms (freedom of the press, assembly, speech, etc.) and opposed police arbitrariness. Her participation in the social movement was expressed in the creation of legal societies (scientists, doctors), at the meetings of which acute political issues were discussed; in collecting money for strikers and political prisoners, in providing safe houses for revolutionaries.
STUDENT MOVEMENT
The most active students. At the beginning of the XX century. a significant part of the revolutionary-minded students went over to an open political struggle, declaring their solidarity with the working class. All-Russian student strikes in 1899, 1901 and 1902 had a wide political resonance. In the process of struggle, the formation of future major public and state figures took place.
PARTY REGISTRATION
The formation of the party system was greatly influenced by: firstly, significant differences (compared with Western Europe) related to the social structure of society; secondly, the uniqueness of political power (autocracy); thirdly, the multinationality of the population.
Features of the formation of political parties:
1. At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. the process of forming a single political party of the working class — the RSDLP — was intensively going on,
2. The formation of a working-class party accelerated the creation of other parties in Russia. During the years 1900-1901. a party of socialist revolutionaries (Socialist Revolutionaries) took shape, aspiring to the role of spokesmen for the interests of the peasantry. Parties of the ruling classes took shape during the years of the first Russian revolution. And immediately they were forced to adapt to a rapidly changing environment. It took them some time to look around, to develop their programmatic and political slogans, strategy and tactics.
3. The formation of numerous national parties (in Poland, Lithuania, Latvia)
4. Not a single country in the world has had (and still does not have!) As many parties as Russia. If at the end of the XIX century. only three political parties were created, then only in the first six years of the 20th century. - over 50, and in 1917-1920. - about 90. This is primarily due to the multinational composition of the population and the different timing of the maturation of self-awareness of different segments of the population.
5. As in other countries, parties in Russia did not immediately appear ready-made. Initially, certain ideological and political sentiments arose in the advanced groups of a class or even classes. They were most often fixed by the creation of circles. Then the directions of socio-political thought took shape, whose representatives were grouped around magazines or newspapers of a literary, artistic or socio-political nature. Among these amorphous formations, both in the field of worldview and in organization, class and political demarcation gradually took place, and more often than not one, but several parties were formed.
Depending on the political goals, means and methods of achieving the goals of the party should be divided into several categories:
- leftists (social-democratic (Social Democrats) - Mensheviks; socialist (proletarian) - Bolsheviks; neo-people (socialists-revolutionaries) - Socialist-Revolutionaries, Trudoviks)
- liberal (cadets (constitutional democrats))
- conservative (Octobrists ("Union October 17"))
- monarchical (“Union of the Russian people”, “Russian People’s Union named after Michael the Archangel”)
- anarchist (more than 20 groups sharing the ideas of P. A. Kropotkin, M. A. Bakunin)
The strengthening of the labor movement in Russia contributed to the spread of social democratic ideas among the radical intelligentsia. On the agenda was the question of creating a party in the country expressing the interests of the working class. The so-called economists (E. D. Kuskova, S. N. Prokopovich, V. P. Akimov, L. S. Martynov) believed that workers should put forward only economic demands and that trade unions should play the leading role in the labor movement. The main task of the party, they considered the struggle for the expansion of political rights and freedoms of the proletariat. The printing organs are the newspaper Rabochaya Mysl, the journal Rabochoe Delo. Economists outlined their views in a document called the Credo. The authors - members of the foreign Union of Russian Social Democrats E. D. Kuskova and S. N. Prokolovich. In response to the Credo, V. I. Lenin wrote a “Protest”, signed by 16 members of the Social Democratic movement in Siberian exile. It sharply criticized the ideas set forth in the Creed and emphasized the need to create an independent working party aimed at seizing the proletariat of political power to organize a socialist society. Serious opponents of the Social Democrats were “legal Marxists” (P. B. Struve, M. I. Tugan-Baranovsky, S. I. Bulgakov, I. A. Berdyaev). For some time, the revolutionary Social Democrats collaborated with legal Marxists, criticizing populism. Legal Marxists believed that the struggle of the working class for their rights should take place within the framework of the struggle for democracy. Both the "economists" and the "legal Marxists" were opposed to extreme, violent methods of struggle, advocated rejecting the idea of \u200b\u200ba socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The leader of the radical Social Democrats was V.I. Ulyanov (Lenin). He believed that the party should become an advanced fighter for the rights of workers. It must organize itself, rally, and lead the struggle for the overthrow of the autocracy. The Iskra newspaper was to prepare the unification of the Social Democratic groups and the party.
The 1st Congress of the RSDLP was held in 1898 in Minsk (9 participants). In July-August 1903, the Second Congress of the RSDLP was convened, which took place first in Brussels, then in London. The discussions that erupted at the congress were attended by “economists”, “soft Iskra” (L. Martov, G. V. Plekhanov), and “hard Iskra” (V. I. Lenin). The congress adopted the party program, which consisted of two parts: a minimum program (overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of a democratic republic, measures to improve the situation of workers (including an 8-hour work day), a democratic solution to national and agricultural issues) and a maximum program (proclaimed as the ultimate goal of the RSDLP, the socialist revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat). The program also provided for democratic requirements such as universal equal and direct suffrage, broad local self-government, inviolability of the person and home, unlimited freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly, strikes and unions. Seemingly simple and easy at first glance, many of these requirements remain relevant at the present time, since not all of them have come true (and many have only been proclaimed by the Constitution, but they are far from realistic implementation).
The party’s program included a provision recognizing the right to self-determination for all nations that were part of the multinational Russian state, up to its withdrawal from the state and the formation of an independent state. This requirement was largely declarative in nature and was dictated by the need to unite all revolutionary democratic forces in the struggle against tsarism, and then the bourgeoisie. Ultimately, the idealization of the right of nations to self-determination led to the collapse of Russia after the Bolsheviks came to power.
The most imperfect was the agrarian part of the program. The debate on the first paragraph of the Party’s Charter sharply aggravated relations between supporters of Lenin and Martov at the congress and thereby accelerated the split that ended during the election of the central organs of the party — the Central Committee and the Party Council. Lenin's supporters — the solid Iskra-ists — got the majority, and Martov's supporters — the soft Iskra-ists — the minority. The first began to be called Bolsheviks, the second - Mensheviks.
The split had deeper roots, which appeared long before the congress. They were connected with the various support of both supporters of Lenin and Martov on different strata of the heritage of Marx-Engels. They evaluated the socio-economic and political situation in the country in different ways, and from here a different choice of means and methods of struggle was proposed.
In the summer of 1900, the emergence of the AKP - the party of socialist revolutionaries (Socialist Revolutionaries) began, in 1902 the creation of the party was proclaimed. Its founders were V. M. Chernov,
A.R. Gotz, M.A. Natanson, E.K. Breshko-Breshkovskaya. The ideological platform of the Socialist Revolutionaries was neo-folk. At the First Party Congress in December 1905 - January 1906, its program and charter were adopted. The main theorist and leader was V. M. Chernov.
The Socialist Revolutionaries considered the preparation of the people for the "socialist" revolution as their main task. They saw the main driving force of this revolution as a non-working class, ”by which they understood all living by their labor. The Social Revolutionaries advocated the establishment of democracy in the country. The Constituent Assembly should have decided on the form of government. The party defended democratic rights and freedoms, the federal structure of the country on a national principle, the right of nations to self-determination. The central requirement of the agrarian Socialist-Revolutionary program was the "socialization" of the land: the land had to be withdrawn from market circulation and become a public property. The right to dispose of the land was given to peasant communities, which were to equitably distribute it “among the eaters,” that is, by the number of working hands. The Socialist Revolutionaries recognized individual terror as an effective means of combating the authorities. It was carried out by the military organization of the party, which was led by G. A. Gershuni and E. F. Azef (agent of the tsarist secret police). For 1905-1907 Socialist-Revolutionaries carried out 204 terrorist acts.
At the beginning of the XX century. the formation of numerous national parties begins: the General Jewish Union of Lithuania, Poland and Russia (the Bund), the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUE), the Belarusian Revolutionary Party, the Latvian Social Democratic Union, in Poland the League of the People (People’s League), the Armenian Revolutionary Union (Dashnaktsutyun )
The emergence of traditionalist monarchist parties and groups was associated with increased opposition to the autocracy. They considered their main task to protect the existing order in the country. In 1900, the Russian Talk society was created in St. Petersburg, one of the leaders of which was the Moldavian landowner V. M. Purishkevich. Subsequently, parties of this kind were called "Black Hundreds", as they considered themselves to be the spokesmen of the interests of ordinary Russian people (the "Black Hundred" is the tax-paying urban population). Monarchist parties began to arise in Russia after the publication of the Manifesto on October 17. The largest of these were the “Union of the Russian People” (A. I. Dubrovin) and the “Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel” (V. M. Purishkevich).
Among the landowner-monarchist parties and organizations, a special place was occupied by the All-Russian Union of Land Owners, formed in November 1905. It included 53 large landowners. There is no demagogy or ambiguity in the program of this union: all points are placed above “i”, all conventions are discarded (external gloss, “cultural”). When the loss of power and property threatened the landlord class, he spoke in the language of undisguised brute force. So, in the charter of the union of land owners there was not a word about giving land to peasants, as if this issue did not exist at all. In order to fight the revolution, the owners advocated the introduction of martial law and the use of military courts, reducing the length of investigations, increasing the number of rural police, protecting military estates, and compensating for losses incurred by the landowners. This program formed the basis for the activities of the tsarist government, headed after the resignation of Count S. Yu. Witte by P. A. Stolypin.
The programs of the monarchist parties were based on the classical theory of the official nationality of Count Uvarov (Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality) and contained the following main provisions:
- maintaining the autocratic form of government as the original and only possible in Russia
- preservation of a single and indivisible Russia: according to monarchists, federalism could only lead to a split and death of the country
- defending the interests of the only "state" people - Great Russians
- criticism of bureaucratic orders in the country as compromising the autocracy
- granting the peasants the right to acquire land in private ownership while maintaining community orders
- the prohibition of Jews to own property and travel beyond the "Pale of Settlement", as well as the future eviction of all Russian Jews in Palestine.
With regard to the State Duma, opinions were divided. Some monarchists (A. I. Dubrovin, N. E. Markov) believed that it should only be a legislative body, others (V. M. Purishkevich) - legislative. The Black Hundreds paid considerable attention to the struggle against chaos and anarchy in the country and the establishment of a strict order in it. According to the press, in the fall of 1905 alone, about 4 thousand people died at the hands of the Black Hundreds, including the Bolsheviks N. E. Bauman and F. A. Afanasyev. In the I and II State Duma, the representation of the Black Hundreds was insignificant, but in the 111 and IV Duma they were represented quite widely.
The liberal movement was represented by several organizations. The presenters were the Union of Zemstvo-Constitutionalists (I. I. Petrunkevich) and the Union of Liberation P. B. Struve. At the beginning of the revolution of 1905-1907 in these organizations, a moderate and more radical wing stood out. The formalization of liberal democratic parties was completed after the publication of the Manifesto on October 17.
The party that expressed the interests of the "left" liberals (intelligentsia, part of the nobility) was the constitutional democratic party (CD - Cadets), or the party of "people's freedom." Her program was based on Western European liberal ideas and defended the economic and political freedom of the individual, the values \u200b\u200bof constitutionalism and democracy.
The Constituent Congress of the Cadets was held in October 1905 in Moscow. The party was founded by historian P.I. Milyukov, economist P. B. Struve, Prince G. E. Lvov, and a prominent scientist.
V.I. Vernadsky. The main goal of the cadets was the transformation of Russia into a democratic state, in which the equality of all citizens before the law and fundamental democratic rights and freedoms (conscience, words, press, assemblies, unions, inviolability of person and home) are guaranteed. In the field of government, they defended the democratic electoral system and the legislative powers of the State Duma. The cadet program on the agrarian question (compiled by former Minister of Agriculture N. N. Kutler) provided for the obligatory sale of land leased by the landlords and the formation of a special fund of state and specific lands for transfer to low-land peasants. The Cadets stood for the abolition of the community and the transfer of land to the peasants into property.
On the working issue, they advocated the adoption of social legislation and an 8-hour working day. During the years of revolution, when the ideas of parliamentarism were popular among the people, the cadet party received quite broad support. Representatives of the industrial and financial bourgeoisie and landowners entered the Octobrists' party, or the Union of October 17th. The constituent congress of the party took place in February 1906. A.I. became the leaders of the Octobrists. Guchkov, D.I. Shipov, M.V. Rodzianko. The party program expressed the views and demands of Russian business circles: a strong, trusted government; unity and indivisibility of the Russian state; constitutional order and democratic rights for citizens of Russia; the basis of the economy is private property; the equation of the peasants in rights with other classes, a resettlement policy, the sale of state and specific lands to the peasants, in the extreme case, partial alienation of landowner land for redemption. The Octobrists expressed their readiness for a dialogue with the authorities and hoped that the monarchy would enter into a closer alliance with business and financial circles, transferring some of the power to them.
Both the cadets and the Octobrists took an active part in the election campaign in the I and II State Duma. The III Duma (1907-1912) even got the name “October Pendulum,” since the Octobrists balanced between the right (monarchists) and the Cadets. Although the real role of liberal parties in politics was small, and. the creation signified the emergence of a legal multi-party theme in Russia, and contributed to the political maturation of the Russian bourgeoisie and intelligentsia.
TOTAL
Thus, by the beginning of the first Russian revolution, political parties had been created or were in the process of formation, representing the interests of various social strata of society. Features of the system of political parties in Russia at the beginning of the XX century. were as follows:
- neither the landowners, nor the business commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, nor the peasantry at that time had “their own” parties expressing their interests
- there was no government (in the Western sense) party, since the Council of Ministers was not appointed by the Duma, but personally by the tsar, and all Russian parties were in varying degrees opposed to the government, criticizing its policies either from the left or from the right
- not a single Russian political party was tested by the authorities until February 1917
- weak point of the political system of Russia at the beginning of the XX century. there was a mechanism for the functioning of many parties (illegal or semi-illegal)
- not all parties were represented in the State Duma, especially national
- peasant Russia, the Russian "outback" was poorly embraced by the process of party-political construction, which went mainly in the administrative and industrial centers of the country.
However, despite the specifics of the formation of both all-Russian and (especially) national political organizations, parties arose and developed in line with general laws. This marked the beginning of a multi-party system in Russia.
27 and 28. The socialist direction of social thought. Parties in this direction.
Political parties of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century (1900 - 1916). Social composition and social support, political programs, leaders, activities. Societies. movement and watered. parties:Nationalists(Black Hundreds): Russian Assembly of 1900, Committee of Russian Students, 1904, Russian Monarchist Party . Octobrists: party of landowners and the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie (leaders Guchkov, Rodzianko). Representatives: the Union on October 17, the commercial and industrial party. Cadets: party of the liberal - monarchist bourgeoisie (limited monarchy, bourgeois freedoms, the preservation of landlord tenure, the solution of the labor issue) leaders - Milyukov, Shingarev, Nabokov. Social Revolutionaries(illegal party): socialists are revolutionaries. There were 1901-1902. They arose as a result of the unification of people's groups. The left wing of bourgeois democracy. Program: democratic republic, political freedoms, labor legislation, socialization of the land. The main political tool is individual terror. Leaders: Chernov, Gots, Gershuni. 1908 case of Azef. trends: people's socialists and maximalists. RSDLP: Russian Social Democratic Party. 1 congress (1898 Minsk), 2 congress (1903 Brussels, London; party program adopted. The maximum program is the program of the socialist revolution: replacing private property with public property, systematic organization of social production, abolishing the division of society into classes and eliminating exploitation, establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Program -minimum: the overthrow of the autocracy, the establishment of a democratic republic, an 8-hour working day, the full equality of nations with the right to self-determination, the destruction of the remnants of serfdom in The Bolsheviks are a fraction of the RSDLP, a concept arose at the 2nd Party Congress in connection with the choice of the party’s governing bodies (Lenin’s supporters — the Bolsheviks won) .Leaders of the party as a whole: Lenin, Plekhanov, Martov, Axelrod, Dan. Bolshevik leaders: Lenin, Krasin, Krzhizhanovsky, Bogdanov, Lunacharsky. Progressives : 12-17 party of the big bourgeoisie; intermediate between the Octobrists and the Cadets; initiator of the creation of a progressive block in the Duma; the leaders are Konovalov, Ryabushinsky. Trudoviks: petty-bourgeois democratic faction of deputies of peasants and populist intelligentsia in 1-4 thoughts. It included peasants, village teachers, paramedics, extras, county doctors, etc. many of them were associated with the Socialist Revolutionaries and the All-Russian Peasant Union. Zemsky movement: expansion of local government (Shitov, Guchkov, Lviv). Women's organizations, youth organizations. Public church activities: enlightenment, charity, cultural development. Traffic intelligentsia: the task of the intelligentsia is not the preparation of a revolution, but the religious and moral enlightenment of the people. Liberated: liberals grouped around the journal Liberation (editor - Struve), leader Milyukov, 1903 creation of the union, 1904 founding congress of the union of liberation, fought for rights and freedoms.
The ideological basis of socio-political life Western countries remained conservatism, liberalism and socialism. However, as the influence of the aristocracy weakened, conservatism was increasingly losing ground. The liberals renewed their ideology - they moved away from the principle of non-state intervention in the economy. Representatives of the “new liberalism” called for an active social policy designed to smooth out social inequality through reform. Thus, they tried to make the life of society more stable and protect it from extremist attacks by both the right and left forces. Prominent figures among the liberals were British politician David Lloyd George and Italian Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti. In the United States, reformist policies were led by Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.
Durable place in socio-political life of Western countries took socialist movement. Its representatives won victories in parliamentary and municipal elections, formed fractions in government. By 1914, 10.5 million voters voted for the Social Democrats, and the number of their representatives in parliaments reached 646. The most significant fractions of the Social Democrats were created in the German Reichstag and the French Chamber of Deputies.
Representatives of workers in parliament sought to adopt social legislation that would reduce the length of the working day, give workers the right to rest, protect against unemployment and ensure a decent old age. These transformations, according to the socialists who shared liberal and democratic values, should have led to the peaceful transformation of capitalism into socialism. Unlike revolutionary socialists, they considered it possible to act within the framework of the rule of law, through reforms carried out by the state, without revolutionary violence. Supporters of reforms in Germany, France, and Great Britain rejected the idea of \u200b\u200brevolution, "integrating themselves" into the existing political system.
At the same time, the revolutionary direction of socialism was radicalizing. The left wing of the socialist movement was a minority, but was extremely active. In countries with conservative and despotic political regimes, for example, in Russia, supporters of extreme, revolutionary methods of struggle (Bolsheviks) managed to achieve decisive influence in the socialist movement.
At the end of the XIX century. in the working-class movement two currents arose. Along with revolutionary socialism formed liberal socialism — reformism. Material from the site
Shocking Europe's national conflicts, the ambitions of national leaders, the entanglement of borders between European nations led to the fact that nationalism became a state ideology, an integral part of totalitarian ideologies, racial theories that led to violence and war, justifying territorial expansion, and chauvinism - foreign policy flag. National movements undermined the unity of multinational empires - the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, Russian. The desire of peoples to create their own has increased nation states. The basis of the ideology of the liberation movement in the countries of the East also became nationalism, which often took the form of anti-European actions.
The most confusing bundle of ethnic conflicts in Europe existed on the Balkan Peninsula, where the interests of great powers were intertwined with the desire of the peoples living here - Albanians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs and others - to get rid of foreign power or expand the borders of national states at the expense of neighbors.
On this page, material on the topics:
Social movement in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.
1) A special style of forming political parties. Socialist world and national parties.
2) The actions of the government at the stage of the upsurge of the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905.
4) Monarchist parties.
5) The first experience of Russian parliamentarism. (1, 2, 3, to the State Duma chapter 28)
1) According to the form of government, Russia was an autocratic monarchy by the beginning of the 20th century. The absence of political rights and freedoms turned Russia into a unique phenomenon among relatively developed countries of the world. The contradictions of the autocratic regimes with a modernizing economy reached an unprecedented intensity at the beginning of the 20th century.
* Political party - ϶ᴛᴏ an organized group of like-minded people, representing the interests of part of the people, setting themselves goals and their implementation by coming to power or participating in its implementation. All political parties in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, in accordance with their vision of the future of Russia for political goals, means and methods of achieving these goals should be divided into several categories:
Left * (Social Democratic)
Trudoviks *
Liberal * (cadet party)
Conservative *
Monarchist * (union of the Russian people and others) More than 20 sharing the ideas of Bokunin and Kropotkin. National and socialist parties arose, acting illegally. Social democracy of the kingdom of Poland and Lithuania of the 1893 Bund. 1897.
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. (1903)
Party of Socialists of the Revolutionaries. The peasantry saw their social support (T in the peasantry)
The main provisions of the Bolshevik program. Marxists.
1) The transition from one socio-economic formation to another is carried out through a social revolution.
2) The social support of the party - the working class - the proletariat.
The main driving force of the socialist revolution is the proletariat.
After the revolution, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat follows!
The party leadership consisted of intelligentsia. The origin and structure of the political system of Russia with a significant proportion of the revolutionary socialist parties was not very favorable for the smooth evolutionary development of Russia.
2.) The absence of political and agrarian reforms in the last decades of the 19th century led to the revolutionary explosion of January 1905.
Nicholas II ascended the throne at the end of the 19th century. During his reign intensified the role of the emperor and his personal office. The 1905 revolution forced tsarism to return to the ripening socio-political transformations. On August 6, 1905, tsarism announced the establishment of a State Duma. Bulyminskaya. The concession of tsarism was not enough. The Bulygin Duma was boycotted in October 5, amid a growing wave of revolution. In October, during the All-Russian October strike, Nicholas 2 signed the Manifesto on Improving the State Order of October 17, 1905, prepared by Witte. It proclaimed political freedom. The word print of street processions of assembly unions abolition of estates. Duma Parliament endowed legislativerights. Populations deprived of suffrage under the Bulykinsky bill were attracted to participate in the elections. The State Council was transformed into the highest chamber of the Duma with the right to approve laws.
Formally, the manifesto turned the autocratic state system of Russia into a constitutional monarchist. Women, salads, sailors, students, landless peasants were deprived of their right to choose.
3) During the revolution of 1905-7, the first Russian multi-party system arose.
Politically formed a liberal movement. His right-wing conservative wing was the Union Party on October 17th. Leaders - Heiden, Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov, Rodzianko.
The number of members is 65-70 thousand members. Social composition - the large financial and industrial bourgeoisie, liberal landowners, wealthy intelligentsia. Program -
1. “Supporting the government along the path of salvage reform”
2. Modernization of the country
3. Protection of the principle of constitutional monarchy and a single and indivisible Russian state.
4. The solution of the peasant question bypassing the compulsory alienation of landowners. The resettlement of peasants for the Urals, the revitalization of the peasant bank.
5. Restriction of the right to strike against the introduction of an eight-hour working day. The radical liberal wing was constituted by the constitutional democratic party. Brothers Dolgorukovs, Kormilov, Kotlyarovsky, Maklakov, Pavel nikolaev melyukov, Peter struve.
The population is 55 thousand, the social composition is the intelligentsia. The liberal bourgeois and landowners. The proportion of the working class in the party did not exceed 15%. The program is a rule of law in the form of a constitutional monarchy. 2) Civil rights, National, estate, cultural equality. 3) The solution of the agrarian question through the forced alienation of part of the landlords' lands. 4) Recognition of the right of workers to racing, and on an eight-hour working day.
4) Monarchist parties. An obstacle to the implementation of reforms was the monarchist-noble bloc. The Russian-monarchist party, the union of Russian people, the All-Russian Union of Land Owners. The main force was the union of the Russian people. Leaders: Dubrovin, Pureshkevich. Russian patriotism, the protection of Orthodoxy began, the unity and stability of the Russian Empire and autocracy. The protest against the home-grown bourgeoisie, infected by the decay of the West. Black Sofia organized pogroms in 150 cities of the country.
The most important result of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907 was the creation of the Parliament and the introduction of political freedoms.
The new system of political organization of the state in 1907 to 1914 was called the Third July Political System (the union of the tsar, nobles and the big bourgeoisie with the united State Duma)
Social movement in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. - concept and types. Classification and features of the category "Social movement in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century." 2014, 2015.